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    Sri Lanka Police Face Questions After Tuesday’s Firing on Protestors

    An on-spot magisterial enquiry into Tuesday’s firing on protestors has been accompanied with voices of condemnation from the US Embassy in Sri Lanka, the delegation of the European Union and Amnesty International’s SouthAsia office in Colombo.

    A judicial enquiry into the incident has begun after a magistrate rejected a police report and undertook an on-site probe into the police firing on Sri Lankan protestors on Tuesday. Residents showed the magistrate blood stains on road about half a kilometre away from the place in which the terror had occurred. People said that there were more places with blood stains that had been washed away.

    The police statement before the court had many loopholes and observers pointed to discrepancies in the account the police offered in the court. There were also divergences from the account the police media spokesperson and the inspector general of police had provided to the media.

    The government was also stunned as the government attorney made a remark on social media and published photographic evidence matching the residents’ version of the story.

    According to media reports and videos circulating online, people were participating in a largely peaceful protest before the police began using tear gas and water cannons to disperse protestors, and it escalated quickly with a bus being set on fire.

    Police had clashed with protesters on Tuesday and fired into the crowd, shooting dead one, in what police officials described as “minimum force” to disperse the angry unarmed crowd. 24 people, including eight police personnel, were injured.  The police said that they had only used tear gas.

    Other sources said that over 5o people, including journalists covering the incident, have been arrested and dozens more injured – many assaulted and subjected to torture or other ill treatment in police custody. A curfew was also imposed in an attempt to control the situation.

    Minister justifies police action

    In the face of protests from the opposition benches in Parliament on Wednesday, Sri Lanka’s Minister of Public Defense, Prasanna Ranatunga said that the police firing on the protestors in Rambukkana was in accordance with the police ordinance that includes rules of engagement and standard operating procedures.

    He said that the police have the necessary powers to do so, adding that the police action was in response to protesters attempting to set fire to a bowser containing 33,000 liters of fuel, endangering all of Rambukkana.

    Calls for impartial inquiry

    The United States ambassador in Colombo has called for impartial investigations into the violent State action against protestors that killed at least one.

    US Ambassador to Colombo, Julie Chung said she had a discussion with the Human Rights Council of Sri Lanka and urged for a fair, impartial investigation.

    “Discussed with Human Rights Council of Sri Lanka the injustice of violence against unarmed protesters and need for a full, transparent investigation of the Rambukkana violence,” Chung said in her official Twitter feed.

    Simultaneously, human rights watchdog Amnesty International too raised concerns over the violence at the protest.

    “There must be a prompt, impartial and effective inquiry with a view of holding perpetrators to account,” Amnesty International said in a Twitter message.

    “The Sri Lankan authorities must not use unnecessary or excessive force to disperse protesters who are suffering the consequences of an economic crisis that is spiralling out of control,” read a statement from Yamini Mishra, Amnesty International’s South Asia Director.  “Even in instances where protests turn violent, law enforcement officers must only use force where absolutely necessary and it must be strictly proportionate to the situation,” she said.

    European Union Delegation too came out with a statement saying it deplores the loss of life and injuries after the Rambukkana events.

    “Any violence has to be condemned and the EU reiterates the need for restraint from both authorities and demonstrators. EU encourages all parties to find political solutions to the current crisis,” it said.

    First Person: A Month In A Mariupol Basement 

    Invading Russian forces have almost completely destroyed Mariupol, a port city in southern Ukraine. Former resident Alina Beskrovna recalled a month-long ordeal sheltering in a basement there as she witnessed fierce fighting and obliteration, before her eventual escape.

    “On the morning of the invasion I left my apartment and spent almost a month in a basement on the outskirts of Mariupol, until I escaped on 23 March.

    The first few days felt like a weird slumber party, just getting together with friends. We had everything we needed…until we didn’t.

    First the electricity went, when Russia bombed the city’s electrical system. Laptops and cell phones began to run out of battery.

    Then the Russians targeted the water system. We filled up all the buckets we possibly could while the taps were still running, but we quickly realized that a lack of drinking water would be a huge problem.

    And then we heard a large blast, and the gas went out, which meant gathering and chopping wood, and cooking on open fires outside the basement entrance.

    ‘People jumped to their deaths’

    By the end of the second week, we heard continuous shelling approaching from the northern part of the city, targeting residential districts near us. Two missiles hit a nine-storey building on the other side of the road, right across from our basement. We saw the fourth floor engulfed in flames and people jumping to their deaths.

    Whenever a missile landed close by, it felt like it was going straight through us. We would feel the shockwaves; the cracks in the basement wall and floor would widen with every single hit, and we would wonder if the foundations of the building could take it.

    ‘I don’t know if my father is alive’

    Early in the invasion, a communication station behind one of the residential high-rises was targeted by the Russians.

    I knew why it was being done: To leave us completely helpless and hopeless, demoralized, and cut off from the outside world.

    I lost contact with my father.  He was on the other side of the city and I was not sure if I would ever see him again. I only hoped that he would walk over to us, since he knew the address, but he never did. I still don’t know if he’s alive. I don’t know if he was taken to Russia by force.

    Rumours began spreading about how the city had fallen, how it was now Russian territory. We heard horrific stories of Chechens roaming the streets, raping women, killing civilians at point blank range, and how dangerous it was to even try to leave because of active fighting on all three sides of the city.

    So, no one dared to escape. Because of the lack of communication with the outside world, it felt as if there was a huge mass murder taking place right around me, and that the world had no idea, and would never find out the true scale of what was happening.

    Fear of rape

    I had two main fears. One was rape – which is used as a weapon of war by the Russian military, and we all knew this – and the second one was being either taken to Russia by force or to the so-called Donetsk People’s Republic.

    I also worried about Mariupol being proclaimed as part of the Donetsk People’s Republic – barring any hope of my leaving.

    I just kept thinking, will they let us out? Is there a way out?

    An opportunity to escape

    Anyone who didn’t get out in the first three or four days, was unable to leave afterwards, because of active fighting and Russian forces approaching the city from all three sides.

    Those who tried to flee found themselves in a battlefield.

    All we could do was wait for a possible corridor to open up. Around the second week of the war, a rumour spread on a Russian Telegram [social media platform] channel, that an organized column was gathering at the theatre, heading west towards Manhush.

    Everyone who had a vehicle and enough fuel, put some white pieces of cloth on their side mirrors to signify that they were civilians trying to flee, and went to the collection point.

    But there was nothing. It turned out to be a false rumour.

    By 20 March, the Russians has completely taken over the strip of land by the Azov Sea, from Berdyansk and Manhush, all the way to the outskirts of Mariupol.

    Three days later we decided to leave despite reports of civilians being targeted, as the city was being under siege by carpet and precision bombings.

    I saw with my own eyes how they aimed at apartment buildings, as if they were playing a computer game.

    We were running out of food and water. I hadn’t had a shower for a month.

    ‘Horrific’ journey

    At 7:00 AM on the morning of 23 March, we started out for Zaporizhzhia. After 16 Russian checkpoints, a trip that usually took three hours cost us more than 14.

    The drive itself was horrific. The Russian military strip-searched us, checking documents and detaining every male. But once we reached the Ukrainian checkpoint near the entry to Zaporizhzhia, we heard the Ukrainian language.

    It felt like we had made it, like we were relatively safe.

    Despite feeling as though I was getting out of this black hole of destruction and death, Zaporizhzhia itself wasn’t safe; there were constant air raids.

    But we had made it out of Mariupol and couldn’t believe we were alive.

     

    Image:  Alina Beskrovna via UN

    Sri Lankan Economic Crisis Inflicted by Self-Serving Elite

    Once deemed a basic human needs success story, Sri Lanka is now in its worst economic crisis since independence in 1948. Nonetheless, Sri Lanka’s ‘moment of truth’ now offers lessons for other developing countries.

    By Anis Chowdhury and Jomo Kwame Sundaram

    Sri Lanka has just defaulted on its foreign debt for the very first time. Attributing its current predicament to a Chinese ‘debt-trap’ is a new Cold War propaganda distraction – which we will undoubtedly hear much more of.

    In this fable, Sri Lanka is a country caught in a debt trap due to white elephant projects mooted and financed by borrowings from China. Blaming Sri Lanka’s debt crisis on Chinese loans is not only factually wrong, but also prevents understanding the origins and nature of its current crisis.

    Outstanding Sri Lankan government foreign debt in April 2021 was US$35.1bn. Policy errors have reduced foreign direct investment (FDI), exports and government revenue, changing the composition of its foreign debt for the worst.

    Debt to the Asian Development Bank (ADB), World Bank, China, Japan and other bilateral lenders, including India, came to about a tenth each. Borrowing from capital markets – 47 per cent, or almost half – is mainly responsible for its debt unsustainability.

    After all, borrowing from multilateral development banks – mainly the World Bank and ADB – and bilateral lenders are mostly on concessional terms, while debt from commercial sources incurs higher interest rates.

    Commercial loans tend to be more short term, and subject to stricter conditions. As sovereign bonds or commercial loans become due, their full value must be repaid. External debt servicing costs surge accordingly.

    Deep-rooted problems

    As of April 2021, about 60 per cent of Sri Lanka’s debt was for durations of less than ten years. The US dollar denominated debt share rose sharply – from 36 per cent in 2012 to 65 per cent in 2019, as Chinese renminbi denominated loans remained around two per cent.

    Adding government guaranteed debt to state-owned enterprises, total borrowings from China were 17.2 per cent of Sri Lanka’s total public foreign debt liabilities in 2019. Meanwhile, commercial borrowings grew rapidly from merely 2.5 per cent of foreign debt in 2004 to 56.8 per cent in 2019.

    The effective interest rate on commercial loans in January 2022 was 6.6 per cent – more than double that for Chinese debt. Unsurprisingly, Sri Lanka’s interest payments alone came to 95.4 per cent of its declining government revenue in 2021!

    Following its 2001 recession, Sri Lanka recovered, before growth declined again after 2012 and the pandemic contraction in 2020. Sri Lanka also experienced premature deindustrialization, with manufacturing’s GDP share falling from 22 per cent in 1977 to 15 per cent in 2017.

    Government tax revenue declined from 18.4 per cent of GDP (1990-92 average) to 12.7 per cent (2017-19), and a 8.4 per cent pandemic nadir in 2020. Non-tax revenue – mainly dividends and profits from public investments – fell from 2.3 per cent of GDP in 2000 to 0.9 per cent in 2015.

    Sri Lanka’s exports-GDP ratio almost halved from 39 per cent in 2000 to 20 per cent in 2010. This took a big hit during the pandemic, dropping to 17 per cent in 2020. From 2000, FDI inflows into Sri Lanka were between 1.1 per cent and 1.8 per cent of GDP, before falling to 0.5 per cent in 2020.

    During 2012-19, the share of International Monetary Fund (IMF) Special Drawing Rights (SDRs) in Sri Lanka’s debt stock fell from 28 per cent to 14 per cent, as borrowings ballooned! Sri Lanka’s debt crisis is clearly due to the policy choices of successive governments since the 1990s.

    Crisis-prone

    In February 2022, Sri Lanka had only US$2.31 billion in foreign exchange reserves – too little to cover its import bill and debt repayment obligations of US$4 billion.

    Its 22 million people face 12-hour power cuts, and extreme scarcities of food, fuel and other essential items such as medicines. Inflation reached an all-time high of 17.5 per cent in February 2022, with food prices rising 24 per cent in January-February 2022. But economic crisis is not new to Sri Lanka.

    As a commodity producer – mainly exporting tea, coffee, rubber and spices – export earnings have long been volatile, vulnerable to external shocks. Foreign exchange earnings have also come from ready-made garments, tourism and remittances, but their shares have grown little over decades.

    Since 1965, Sri Lanka has obtained 16 IMF loans, typically with onerous conditionalities. The last was in 2016, providing US$1.5 billion over 2016-19. Required austerity measures have squeezed public investment, hurting growth and welfare.

    Two recent shocks made things worse. First, bomb blasts in Colombo churches and luxury hotels in April 2019 drastically cut tourist arrivals by 80 per cent, squeezing foreign exchange earnings.

    Second, the pandemic has damaged not only economic activity, but also foreign exchange reserves, as it often paid monopoly prices to get COVID-19 tests, treatments, equipment, vaccines and other needs.

    Tax cuts galore

    The ethno-populist policies of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government – which came to power in 2019 – have added fuel to fire. Successfully mobilizing majority Buddhist Singhala sentiment – against Tamils, Muslims and Christians – he sought political support by cutting taxes on the ‘middle class’.

    His government cut taxes across the board, collecting only 12.7 per cent of GDP in revenue in 2017-19 – one of the lowest shares among middle-income countries. Losing about 2 per cent of GDP in revenue, its tax-GDP ratio fell to 8.4 per cent in 2020.

    Sri Lanka’s value-added tax rate was cut from 15per cent to 8per cent, while the VAT registration threshold was raised from one to 25 million Sri Lankan rupees monthly. Other indirect taxes and the ‘pay-as-you-earn’ system were abolished.

    The minimum income tax threshold was raised from 500,000 Sri Lankan rupees annually to three million, with few earning that much! Personal income tax rates were not only reduced, but also became even less progressive.

    The corporate income tax rate was cut from 28 per cent to 24 per cent. With a 33.5 per cent drop in registered taxpayers (corporate and individual) between 2019 and 2020, Sri Lanka’s tax base shrank.

    Thus, even more of the population became exempt from direct taxes, increasing government popularity, especially among the middle class. But tax cuts failed to spur investment and growth – despite old claims by Ronald ReaganDonald Trump and their ‘guru’, Arthur Laffer.

    Populist choices

    Successive Sri Lanka governments thus failed to increase tax collection, squeezing government revenue. To finance budget deficits, they increasingly borrowed from international capital markets – at higher commercial rates, with shorter maturities.

    As the government cut tax rates and exempted most from paying income tax, government revenue fell. Due to its falling revenue and deteriorating credit rating, the government had to borrow more, at higher interest rates.

    Facing fiscal and foreign exchange constraints, the government declared Sri Lanka a 100 per cent organic farming nation in April 2021. Banning all fertilizer imports – ostensibly to promote ‘agro-ecological’ farming as part of a larger ‘green’ transformation – compounded the looming ‘perfect storm’.

    Dropped in November 2021, the policy drastically cut agricultural output, with more food imports becoming necessary. Falling tea and rubber output also reduced export earnings, exacerbating foreign exchange shortfalls.

    Evidently, the Sri Lanka government addressed the economic challenges it faced with ‘populist’ policy choices. Instead of addressing longstanding problems faced, this effectively ‘kicked the can’ down the road, worsening the inevitable meltdown.

     

    Image: Wikimedia  /  AntanO – CC BY-SA 4.0

    Pakistan: Police Handling of Whistleblower’s Death Sparks Public Outrage

    Nazim Jokhio was killed for circulating on social media his posts on the illegal hunting of the endangered houbara bustard in his village by the Arab guests of a powerful tribal chieftain. The accused include members of the provincial and national assemblies.

    Public anger is brewing in Pakistan over the police letting off influential suspects in its investigations into the murder of a whistleblower at the farmhouse of a tribal chieftain and a ruling party lawmaker. This presents a challenge before the country’s newly formed government and its allies in Sindh province.

    Nazim Jokhio, 27, had objected to and stopped hunters looking for the houbara bustard in his village of Achar Salar Jokhio, about 50 km from Karachi. He made and circulated a video of his interaction.

    He was employed with Karachi city’s local government and has left behind four young children. He was popular among his social media followers.

    In the days that followed, Jokhio was summoned by Jam Awais Gohram, the tribe’s chieftain, along with his brother and detained overnight at the farmhouse where he was beaten to death, according to reports. The cold blooded murder brought an agitated people on the streets, blocking the main highway connecting Karachi, and in turn, inviting media scrutiny.

    The police initially claimed that Nazim Jokhio died in a violent clash. But hours later, seeing the number of people on the streets swelling by the hour, the police made a turnaround saying that a body was found lying outside Jam’s house with marks of injuries, possibly due to torture.

    A hashtag ‘Justice for Nazim Jokhio’ too trended on microblogging social media, Twitter.

    Human life

    Nazim’s brother, Afzal Jokhio, told journalists that Arab hunters looking for the houbara bustard in the Karo Mountains arrived at their village, a forbidden area for hunting. Nazim tried to stop them and an altercation followed. In the following hours, Nazim uploaded a video of the hunters.

    “I got calls from Jam’s men demanding that my brother delete the video. I asked him to obey the Jam’s orders, but he refused,” Afzal was quoted as saying to by the local media.

    The brothers were summoned to Jam’s farmhouse where Nazim was thrashed by the chieftain’s henchmen.

    Afzal says he had pleaded for mercy for his brother – even saying that a human life was worth more than a houbara bustard.

    “I pleaded with folded hands before Jam and apologized. But Jam Sahib said no apology [would be accepted as] you people have insulted my guest,” Afzal told journalists.

    Nazim died in the wee hours next day.

    “When we got there in the morning, we were told that my brother was dead and we were not given his body.”

    Pressure to compromise

    The public pressure and the blocking of roads got an assurance of a fair police investigation by Sindh Chief Minister Syed Murad Ali Shah.

    The tribal chieftain, Jam Awais Gohram was arrested, but was later let off on bail. In the days to come, the family came under pressure to settle the matter outside courts.

    But as days passed, Jam Awais’ name was struck off from the documents presented to the local court.

    Nazim’s widow, Shirin Jokhio told a local TV reporter, “People of Sardar [Jam Awais Gohram] are threatening my brother in law Afazal Jokhio for settling through jirga and he was afraid of them, but I am not afraid of anyone.”

    However, Jokhio’s wife appeared in a video saying that she pardoned the accused. Critics, the media and larger civil society groups were quick to point out telling signs of pressure the young widow had come under.

    In a video message, Shireen Jokhio said she wanted to fight but had been left “all alone by her own people” adding that she had taken the decision to pardon out of compulsion and for the safety of her children.

    The family had accused Gohram, a member of the Sindh Assembly from former President Asif Zardari’s Pakistan People’s Party. Fingers are now point to Zardari who is widely believed to have brought together the various political actors to form the present government in Pakistan.

     

    Banner Image: Screengrab  

    Over a Dozen Students Die in Kabul Explosions

    While exact numbers are difficult verify, reports say that dozens of teenaged Hazra students have been killed in an explosion on the outskirts of the Afghanistan’s capital city, Kabul.

    In the second big attack since the regime change in Pakistan and the third since the beginning of the month, a series of three bomb explosions in Kabul’s Shia Hazara neighborhood of Dasht-e-barchi have killed possibly 20 people, most of them in their upper teens and belonging to the Hazara ethnic minority.

    Besides, images circulating on Twitter also show a dead child, reportedly killed in the bomb blast.

    While exact numbers are difficult to come by at the moment, there are reports of dozens of school going students from the Hazara community getting killed in explosions in the Abdurahim Shahid High School and the Mumtaz Education Centre on the outskirts of the country’s capital city, Kabul.

    An earlier explosion happened at an educational center in Kabul’s Qala Naw area.

    The government has announced that the blasts will be investigated by the Afghan police.

    The National Resistance Front issued a statement condemning the violence and holding the Taliban directly responsible for these attacks. The group of former fighters opposed to the Taliban described the present rulers of the country as “an enemy of education”.

    Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs is the first outside government to have condemned the blasts. It urged Afghan officials to “identify and punish the perpetrators of this act of terror.”

    The child charity organisation, Save the Children, too has condemned the attack on the high school, the head of its Afghanistan country office, Chris Nayamandi said.

    According to a former Afghan government spokesperson, Kabir Haqmal, “Unfortunately the number of casualties of today’s attacks is higher than [what] the Taliban [have] announce(ed).”

    He lamented that the Taliban did not allow journalists to cover the incident and even arrested Ali Raza Shahir, a local television journalist who was covering the bombings. Raza’s camera has been seized.

    One journalist tweeted that “around 150 students and civilians were killed”.

    Bodies of the dead were stuffed into a container behind the Ali Jinnah hospital. This has made difficult the task of identification of the dead.

    The Independent Kabul Times news website quoted an unidentified Hazara woman as saying, “I lost my husband at a blast in Dehmazang, my daughter was killed at Mawoud in Kabul and my only son was killed in today’s blast in Kabul.”

    Gotabaya Admits ‘Mistake’ A Year After Imposing Ban on Fertilisers

    With little opposition, the Rajapaksa family has ruled the island nation with an iron hand. Few dared to hold them accountable or question widespread cronyism. The President is being challenged on the streets of Sri Lanka today.

    After a long wait, Sri Lanka President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has admitted that his people are suffering due to the current economic crisis.

    Importantly, Rajapaksa owed up to the ban on chemical fertilisers and the impact it had on the island nation’s farmers. He assured that measures were being taken to deliver chemical fertilizer to the farmers.

    President Rajapaksa announced a ban on the use of chemical fertilizer reportedly after his advisors cited Roman naturalist-philosopher-author Pliny the Elder as saying that ancient Sri Lankans had lived past the age of 100 years because of they practiced organic agriculture.

    He admitted that the decision to make Sri Lankan agriculture fully organic was a hasty one that the government should not have taken. His advisors had urged for a ban on importing fertilizer to balance the foreign exchange situation.

    Policy mistakes

    In an acknowledgement of policy mistakes by his government, the President also said that Sri Lanka needed to approach the International Monetary Fund much earlier, given the situation in the country. The delay led to the dire economic crisis.

    Rajapaksa who made the admissions while speaking to members of his newly sworn in cabinet ministers, also acknowledged the suffering ordinary people have had to endure.

    “Over the past two and a half years we have had vast challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the debt burden and some mistakes on our part,” he is reported to have said.

    With very little opposition, the Rajapaksa family has ruled the island nation with an iron hand for almost two decades. Few have dared to hold them accountable or question a rule of widespread cronyism. But today, the President is being challenged on the streets of Sri Lanka.

     

    Image: Wikimedia

    Pakistan Court Awards Death Penalty for Six, Life for Nine in Priyantha Kumara Lynching Case

    Sri Lankan national, Don Priyantha Kumara, was lynched to death by a mob in Sialkot on charges of blasphemy in December 2021. Kumara worked as a general manager at a local garments factory.

    A special anti-terrorism court (ATC) in Pakistan on Monday convicted 88 accused in Priyantha Kumara case.

    The court handed down the death sentence on two counts to six accused besides ordering them to pay compensation of Rs 200,000 each to the legal heirs of the deceased under Section 302 of Pakistan Penal Code and Section 7 of Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997.

    The court also handed down life imprisonment to nine of the accused along with a fine of Rs 200,000 each and Rs 200,000 compensation to the legal heirs.

    The court awarded two years of imprisonment on three counts and one-year imprisonment on two counts to 72 others accused in the case.

    Sri Lankan national, Don Priyantha Kumara, was lynched to death by a mob in Sialkot on charges of blasphemy in December 2021. Kumara worked as a general manager at a local garments factory. A video recording of the lynching was put up on social media and the impunity caused outrage across the world. Pakistan’s civil society took to the streets and the incident rekindled the debate on the country’s blasphemy laws.

    Under pressure, the Sialkot police had arrested 89 people, including 9 juveniles and the Pakistan government announced setting up of a special anti-terrorism court to try the case expeditiously.

    The trial proceedings were conducted at the Kot Lakhpat Jail. The prosecution completed the evidence within a month and the court had indicted the accused on March 12.

     

    Image: Hippopx – licensed to use under Creative Commons Zero – CC0

    Pakistan PM Directs Police to Ensure Safety of Journalists; Amnesty Urges Release of Social Media Activists

    PTI leaders have called for protests outside the residence of journalists in Islamabad. The government had earlier launched a crackdown on social media activists believed to have been involved in a smear propaganda campaign against national institutions, especially the military under the draconian PECA law.

    Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Monday said that ensuring the safety of journalists was a responsibility of the State. He directed the police to ensure their safety.

    Within minutes of the Prime Minister’s statement, PML leader Maryam Aurangzeb contacted IG Islamabad Ahsan Younis to convey the Prime Minister’s words.

    Aurangzeb said she condemned fascist and authoritarian attitudes against journalists and asked the Inspector General of Islamabad police to personally look into the matter of the safety of journalists, especially after PTI leaders and supporters called for protests at the residences of some Islamabad-based journalists.

    Earlier in the day, Amnesty International urged Pakistan to immediately release eight people recently arrested for “criticizing the state” on Twitter.

    Batting for the freedom of expression, Dinushika Dissanayake, the human rights organisation’s director for South Asia, that “The Pakistani authorities must stop using the draconian Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) to punish people who are simply exercising their right to freedom of expression online.”

    “For far too long, successive governments have used this law as a tool to crush peaceful dissent and intimidate supporters of political opposition,” the Amnesty official said. “Nobody should be arrested merely for expressing their views — whether online or offline.”

    Dissanayake believed that in the past, governments had used the law as a tool to crush peaceful dissent and intimidate supporters of political opposition.

    Dissanayake called for the government to immediately and unconditionally release the eight people arrested across Punjab. Instead of quashing dissenting voices, the authorities should end their “repressive crackdown” on the right to freedom of expression.

    Crackdown on social media activists

    On 13 April, Pakistan’s Federal Investigation Agency arrested eight people across the state of Punjab after they criticised the Imran Khan led government on Twitter. The arrests came after the FIA launched a crackdown on social media activists that the agency believes were involved in a smear campaign against state institutions.

    Launching its crackdown on social media activists, the FIA had said it that it believed they were involved in a smear propaganda campaign against national institutions, especially the military.

    The FIA has told the media that the arrests are not related to any political opposition parties.

    On 9 April, Imran Khan was ousted as prime minister of the country after a vote of no-confidence in the Pakistani parliament. His exit came just days after he tried to block the vote from taking place — an effort that was ruled to be unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

    Imran Khan and his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, allege that their removal was a result of collusion between the United States and the opposition, prompting nationwide protests from his supporters. The party’s social media team has since launched a campaign on Twitter that seeks to condemn the army, the courts, the media and the country’s new leadership.

    In fact, Imran Khan made a special mention of his grouse against the media during his address to the people of Pakistan on the eve of his removal from office.

    PTI supporters harass reporters

    Earlier on Saturday, several journalists, including women, were abused and harassed by PTI supporters during Imran Khan’s rally in Karachi.

    Zam Zam Saeed, a female reporter with Samaa TV, uploaded footage of the incident on her Twitter account. She said that PTI workers were violent and they abused the TV crew.

    Another journalist, Adia Naz who works for the news channel 24, was also harassed. PTI has singled out 24 for being inimical to the party and its leader. The channel’s licence and permission for transmission were revoked by the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority in 2021

    Rizwan Bhatti, an office bearer of the Karachi Press Club, confirmed the mishandling of the reporter while they were doing their work.

    PTI workers also taunted and harassed Chand Nawab, an ARY TV journalist. He ended up with a torn shirt.

    Union steps in

    The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) has condemned threats to journalists, besides planned protests by PTI workers outside their homes.

    PFUJ President Shahzada Zulfiqar and Secretary-General Nasir Zaidi said that it was unfortunate that PTI is suppressing and threatening journalists to drag them into controversy.

    “Arranging protest at the residences of journalists is a sign of disrespect to the privacy and respect of the families,” they said.

    The PFUJ leaders called upon the chairman of PTI, Imran Khan to direct his workers to respect the private lives of the media persons, besides respecting freedom of speech and dissent. “Respecting freedom of press and speech is a beauty of democracy and democratic norms,” the union said in a statement.

    High Cost of Debt is Crippling Developing Nations: How Can We Bridge the Finance Divide?

    The 2022 Financing for Sustainable Development Report: Bridging the Finance Divide report released by the United Nations last week finds that the ‘finance divide’ between rich and poor countries has become a sustainable development divide.

    By Navid Hanif

    As the world is rocked by a confluence of crises, the global economic outlook for 2022 is becoming ever more uncertain and fragile. Prospects for sustainable development for all and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 are bleak, particularly for developing countries.

    The war in Ukraine is adding further stresses to a world economy still reeling from the COVID-19 pandemic and under growing strain from climate change. These cascading crises affect all countries, but the impact is not equal for all.

    While some, mostly developed countries, had access to cheap financing to cushion the socio-economic impacts of the pandemic and invest in recovery, many others did not.

    Massive recovery packages in rich countries contrast sharply with poor countries, which had to juggle essential expenditures. For many, education and development budgets had to be cut to respond to COVID-19.

    The UN system’s 2022 Financing for Sustainable Development Report: Bridging the Finance Divide, finds that the ‘finance divide’ between rich and poor countries has become a sustainable development divide.

    The Sri Lanka example

    Growth prospects are severely constrained in the developing world – even before taking the war in Ukraine and its repercussions into account, 1 in 5 developing countries are not expected to return to pre-COVID income levels by 2023.

    This situation is likely to get worse because the fallout from the war is exacerbating the challenges confronted by developing countries. Food and fuel prices are reaching record highs. This strains the external and fiscal balances of import-dependent countries.

    Supply chain disruptions add to inflationary pressures, setting up a very challenging environment for Central Banks – rising prices combined with deteriorating growth prospects. Tighter financial conditions and rising global interest rates will make it increasingly difficult, and no doubt impossible for some, to roll over their existing commercial debt.

    Many vulnerable countries will not be able to absorb the combined shocks of a disrupted recovery, rising inflation, and sharply rising borrowing costs. Sri Lanka has just defaulted, and more widespread debt distress may well be on the horizon – which is likely to put the Sustainable Development Goals out of reach.

    More concessional public financing

    The lack of adequate and affordable financing for developing countries is making timely realization of the 2030 Agenda increasingly difficult. Their governments often have few avenues to raise funds domestically, due to underdeveloped domestic financial markets. But borrowing from abroad is both risky and expensive, with some African countries paying over 8 per cent on their Eurobond issuances in 2021.

    As the 2022 Financing for Sustainable Development Report notes, the only way to achieve a more equitable recovery is to bridge this finance divide. It will take determined action, on several fronts.

    First, developing countries will need additional concessional public financing. Bilateral providers and the international financial institutions have stepped up in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, but additional funding was not enough to prevent this divergent recovery. The fallout from the war in Ukraine is widening financing gaps and countries will need additional support.

    A first key test of international solidarity will be on Official Development Assistance (ODA). Additional support for refugees from the conflict in Ukraine, while important, must not come at the expense of cross-border ODA flows to other countries in need.

    Development banks should make available more long-term countercyclical finance at affordable rates, easing financing pressures during crises. Donors should ensure that multilateral development banks see their capital increased and concessional windows replenished generously.

    One immediate step development banks and official bilateral creditors could take themselves is to use state-contingent clauses more systematically in their own lending. This would mean automating debt repayment standstills, providing breathing space to countries in crises.

    Development banks and development finance institutions at all levels could also work to strengthen the ‘development bank system’. National institutions tend to be smaller and fewer in the poorest countries. They would greatly benefit from capacity and financial support.

    Multilateral and regional development banks can in turn benefit from national banks’ detailed knowledge of local markets.

    Improve costs, transparency

    Second, we must improve the costs and other terms of borrowing faced by developing countries in international financial markets. Excess returns for investors hint at market inefficiencies. We must close gaps in the international financial architecture – the lack of a sovereign debt restructuring mechanism adds uncertainty – and improve transparency by both debtors and creditors.

    Transparency and better information for investors can help reduce costs. Short-term credit ratings are also an issue. Rating agencies assess a country’s creditworthiness over a very short horizon, often three years. Meanwhile, many public investments in sustainable development – in infrastructure, education, or innovation – only pay off over a much longer period.

    Credit assessments are systematically biased against long-term investments. Thus, they poorly serve those investors that have long investment horizons, such as pension funds. Long-term sovereign ratings that take into account such investments, as well as long-term risks such as climate change, should complement existing assessments. Scenario analysis can help overcome the inherent difficulties of such long-term assessments.

    Countries can also exploit growing investor interest in sustainable development and climate action. Sovereign green bonds, which can sometimes be issued at reduced cost (“greenium”), are a fast-growing market segment. A commitment to marine conservation recently helped Belize achieve more favorable terms with private creditors in debt restructuring.

    Development finance institutions could also help by providing partial guarantees to sovereign borrowers, lowering interest in exchange for commitments to invest in the SDGs and climate action.

    G20’s Common Framework

    Third, many countries will need debt relief to avoid a protracted and costly debt crisis. Once debt has reached unsustainable levels, providing additional credit, even if at concessional rates, will only delay the reckoning.

    The current mechanisms to deal with countries in debt distress are clearly inadequate. The Common Framework set up by the G20 in the fall of 2020 was a step in the right direction, but its shortcomings have become all too apparent.

    No restructurings have been completed yet; there is no good answer to treating commercial debt; and many highly indebted developing countries are not eligible to approach the Common Framework at all.

    The G20 must step up efforts to implement and deliver on the Common Framework more effectively. But as a more widespread debt crisis becomes a frightening possibility, a more fundamental reform of the sovereign debt architecture must be on the table as well.

    The United Nations can provide a neutral venue that brings together creditors and debtors on equal footing to advance such discussions.

    We at the UN believe that the SDGs can still be met. But without concerted bold action now on all fronts, the road ahead is looking very bumpy. Timely and bold policy choices will get us there.

     

    Navid Hanif is the Director of the Financing for Sustainable Development Office of the United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA).

     

    This piece has been sourced from Inter Press Service

    Image: UNICEF

    Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Reform Charm Offensive

    On 22 March 2022, Sri Lankan lawmakers have approved a range of reforms to the country’s controversial anti-terror law. Activist groups, some Western governments and international bodies continue to press the current government to improve its human rights record amid a worsening domestic economic crisis.

    By Amresh Lavan Gunasingham

    The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was modified to allow suspects to challenge their detention in court and to expedite hearings to reduce the length of pre-trial detention periods. Rights groups allege that the law has been used over the past four decades to arbitrarily arrest and detain individuals for years without due process and to extract confessions through torture. Sri Lankan authorities have denied these claims.

    First enacted in 1979, successive administrations dominated by the Sinhalese majority have used the law to arrest minority Tamils linked to the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) group during the country’s prolonged civil war, which ended in 2009. More than a decade on, the act has been maintained in order to target dissidents, scores of individuals from the ethnic Tamil and Muslim minorities, and civil society activists. Following the 2019 Easter attacks, members of the Muslim community were also subjected to targeted attacks and discriminatory policies.

    Sri Lanka has been on a diplomatic charm offensive in recent weeks to win international support for reforms to its anti-terror law. Sri Lanka’s human rights record drew scrutiny at a recent session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister GL Peiris defended the revisions to the PTA as an initial step to bring it in line with international norms and practices.

    Ethno-religious nationalism

    Several detainees have also been released in recent months, including the prominent lawyer Hejaz Hizbullah. But nearly 300 individuals continue to be detained under the PTA — some for over a decade — without charge or access to legal recourse.

    Opposition lawmakers and activists say the proposed reforms to the law do not go far enough. Some have called for it to be repealed altogether, arguing that the PTA still allows for the arbitrary arrest of suspects and the use of confessions obtained through torture as evidence in court. Observers have also questioned the necessity of the law, citing alternative laws that the government can use to tackle security threats.

    In a February report, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights observed that several individuals have been subjected to arbitrary detention, torture and enforced disappearances. The continued fostering of militarisation and ethno-religious nationalism by the state also undermines ‘democratic institutions, increases the anxiety of minorities, and impedes reconciliation’.

    In response, Sri Lanka has repeatedly claimed it will address grievances through its own domestic mechanisms. Government officials also point to measures already taken such as rehabilitating former Tamil Tiger rebels and the activation of an office to determine the status of those still missing from the civil war. Critics say little has come of such initiatives.

    European Union

    While previously rejecting attempts by the UN and global rights groups to repeal the PTA and address allegations of past rights abuses, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) led coalition has since softened its stance as it seeks to shore up trade ties with the European Union amid the country’s worsening economic and debt crisis.

    The EU has threatened to withdraw Sri Lanka’s access to the lucrative Generalised Scheme of Preferences Plus (GSP+) — a system of tariff-free access accorded to developing countries — if it does not improve its human rights record. As the island state’s garment industry exported over US$2 billion in goods to the EU in 2020, the loss of the GSP+ would represent a significant political and economic setback.

    Politics and economy

    In recent months, the country has been tormented by chronic food shortages and soaring inflation. Several regions have faced hours-long electricity blackouts due to the lack of foreign exchange currency to pay for fuel imports. Amid its worst economic crisis in decades, anti-government protests have roiled the country in recent weeks, with tens of thousands of people led by supporters of the opposition party United People’s Force demanding the resignation of President Rajapaksa and his elder brother Mahinda Rajapakse. The latter is currently the country’s prime minister.

    Efforts in the past to repeal or reform the PTA have failed amid resistance from parts of the Sinhala-Buddhist majority and the powerful security establishment. Security officials maintain that strong laws are still needed to prevent and prosecute future terrorist attacks in Sri Lanka inspired by the so-called Islamic State (IS). According to the 2022 Global Terrorism Index, the South Asian region remains vulnerable to potential IS-linked attacks — a threat starkly highlighted by the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks.

    While the organisational capabilities and operational sophistication of regional terrorist groups remain potent and will need to be effectively countered, the government should still consider committing to further reforms of aspects of the PTA that are susceptible to abuse, including long-term detentions and incidents of torture.

    This could also go some way towards addressing the country’s long standing ethno-nationalist cleavages, even as a comprehensive reconciliation and accountability process remains elusive to heal the wounds of its 26 year-long civil war.

     

    Amresh Lavan Gunasingham is Associate Editor at the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR) at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore.

     

    This piece has been sourced from the East Asia Forum of the Australian National University.