As Nepal gears up for the 2026 elections, Dang’s freed Kamaiya settlements buzz with scepticism. Politicians from all parties descend every cycle, vowing immediate land certificates.

In the dusty settlements of Nepal’s Dang District, freed Kamaiyas – once bonded labourers under a now-abolished system – continue to grapple with the harsh reality of landlessness. As parliamentary elections loom on March 5, 2026, residents voice growing frustration over politicians’ recurring pledges for land titles that evaporate post-victory. This enduring struggle highlights deeper issues of rehabilitation, political accountability, and social justice in Nepal’s western Terai region, where promises of dignity remain as elusive as the legal documents they seek.

The Kamaiya system, a form of indentured labour prevalent among the indigenous Tharu people and Dalit communities, bound families to landlords through debt and exploitation for generations. Abolished in 2000 amid advocacy and international pressure, the government’s declaration freed thousands but left many without adequate support. Promises of land redistribution and rehabilitation were made, yet over two decades later, many ex-Kamaiyas occupy informal settlements on public land, paying taxes without ownership rights. This gap has perpetuated poverty, limiting access to loans, education, and basic services.

In Dang, settlements like Sani Ambapur and along the Patu stream in Tulsipur exemplify this limbo. Here, families have built lives on borrowed land, only to face repeated disappointment from electoral cycles. With elections approaching, the cycle of canvassing and neglect repeats, underscoring how these communities serve as vote banks rather than priorities for governance.

From Abolition to Ongoing Injustice

The Kamaiya system’s roots trace back to the 18th century, when Nepal’s unification granted elites land in the Terai, entitling them to extract revenue from cultivators. This evolved into a cycle of debt bondage, where labourers and their families worked for minimal in-kind payments, often inheriting debts across generations. Predominantly affecting Tharus in western districts like Kailali, Bardiya, and Dang, the system was marked by abuse, poor conditions, and intergenerational entrapment.

In 2000, under pressure from activists, NGOs, the media, and global organisations, the Nepali government outlawed the practice, declaring all Kamaiyas free. The move was hailed as a milestone, aligning with the 1990 Constitution’s prohibition on human trafficking and enslavement. However, freedom came with caveats: many families were evicted from landlords’ properties without alternatives, leading to squatting on public lands.

Rehabilitation efforts included promises of 2-5 katthas (about 0.07-0.17 hectares) of land per family, sufficient for a home but not subsistence farming. Yet, implementation faltered due to beneficiary identification disputes, local resistance, and bureaucratic hurdles. By 2007, around 40 per cent of freed Kamaiyas had received no state support, with many still in makeshift camps. Land reform initiatives, including the 2018 National Land Policy recognizing informal tenure, have progressed slowly, leaving groups like ex-Kamaiyas, Haliyas, and Dalits in precarious situations.

In Kailali District, for instance, freed Kamaiyas lack identity cards, barring them from land claims. Protests, such as land occupations in 2005-06, underscored the urgency, but resolutions remain fragmented. Today, the constitution mandates land governance across federal, provincial, and local levels, yet coordination gaps persist, exacerbating inequalities.

A Recurring Cycle of Hope and Betrayal in Dang

As Nepal gears up for the 2026 elections, Dang’s freed Kamaiya settlements buzz with scepticism. In Sani Ambapur, 53 households on 25 bighas of land have waited since 2004 for titles. Residents pay taxes to the District Administration Office but receive only vouchers, as the land remains government-registered.

Politicians from all parties descend every cycle, vowing immediate lalpurja (land certificates) issuance. “They come every three years for votes, but after five years in power, nothing changes,” says Sabita Chaudhary, a resident highlighting barriers to electricity due to absent titles. In Tulsipur-5’s Patu stream settlement, home to 3,500 households, informal committees issue temporary registrations for services, but legal ownership eludes them.

Tulsipur Mayor Tikaram Khadka acknowledges the challenge: removing established communities is difficult, and title processes require federal intervention. Encroachment on public land, including 1,000 bighas identified in 2019, complicates matters, with eviction directives ignored amid broker-led transactions.

Ward member Lalmati Bhandari, elected from the settlement, has lobbied for certificates, water, roads, and drainage, but blames parties for using pretexts to delay. With over 4,000 voters in the area influencing outcomes, politicians treat it as a key constituency, yet post-election neglect prevails.

Personal Tales of Endurance and Frustration

Santoli Chaudhary’s story encapsulates the plight. In Sani Ambapur, she has endured 20 years in a tin-roofed hut, her children still branded as Kamaiyas without titles. “We pay taxes, but can’t build proper homes or tanks without threats,” she laments. Titles would enable loans for businesses and better futures.

In Patu stream, Parbati Oli Pun echoes this: years of taxes yield no documents, only incomplete infrastructure. Dhan Bahadur Giri distrusts candidates’ door-to-door pleas, noting unfulfilled vows on various excuses.

Beyond Dang, similar narratives unfold. In Sudurpaschim Province, initiatives like land literacy programs aim to empower freed Kamaiyas, Kamlaris, and Haliyas. Punam Rana, a freed Kamaiya training as a carpenter, represents resilience, breaking gender roles post-2002 abolition. Yet, for many men in Kailali, “freedom” means seasonal migration, not stability, as insufficient land allocations fail to end poverty cycles.

Activists like Pashupati Chaudhari demand at least 10 katthas per family, arguing current allotments are inadequate. Stories of revolt, like the 19 Kamaiyas challenging landlord Shiba Raj Panta in Kailali, show early resistance, but systemic change lags.

Calls for Reform and Accountability

As elections near, experts urge comprehensive land reform to recognise informal tenures and ensure equitable distribution. The 2008 Constituent Assembly subcommittee identified livelihood alternatives as key, yet many ex-Kamaiyas remain in marginal work.

ILO emphasizes on integrating freed labourers into markets through skills training, but land remains foundational. Success stories, like Indira Chaudhary rising from Kamlari to Provincial Deputy Speaker, inspire hope. However, without political will, the fragmentary freedom decried by residents persists.

In Sani Ambapur and Patu stream, the dust from unfinished roads symbolises stalled progress. “Leaders change, but our land is still not in our name,” Santoli says.