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    Rich countries still need to step up on global COVID vaccine access

    The immediate need is for increased dedicated production and export from advanced economies and developing countries, like India, with the necessary capacity, to developing countries of variant-adapted COVID-19 vaccines.

    By Ken Heydon / London School of Economics

    Among the G20 goals being pursued by the Indonesian chair this year is ‘ensuring equitable access to COVID-19 vaccines’. This has become a pressing task, though one that’s part of a bigger picture. Developing country vulnerability means global vulnerability. The Delta variant, first detected in India in April 2021 before becoming a world crisis, illustrates the danger of having large pockets of unvaccinated people.

    There is both an ethical and a self-interested reason for helping poorer countries cope with COVID-19.

    Between mid-2020 and the end of 2021, 10 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses were produced and there is now global capacity to produce 12 billion doses a year. But distribution has been highly uneven with less than 1 per cent of the vaccines going to low-income countries.

    The World Health Organization’s (WHO) COVAX initiative has fallen well short of its target of delivering two billion doses to lower-middle and low-income countries by the end of 2021. Low-income countries have received barely 3 per cent of the US$650 billion in special drawing rights issued for the International Monetary Fund’s pandemic response.

    The result — compounded by widespread vaccine hesitancy in poor countries — is a high discrepancy in vaccination rates across the world. Nigeria, for example, has vaccinated less than 2 per cent of its population, and nearer to Australia Papua New Guinea less than 3 per cent. Some 40 per cent of the world’s population is yet to receive a single shot of a COVID-19 vaccine.

    Sanofi template

    Epidemiologists now warn that large swaths of the world may soon be inundated with new waves of COVID-19. Totally eliminating the virus seems to be a pipe dream — it simply has too many chances to multiply.

    Two much discussed ways of helping developing countries are problematic and will not help in the short run. The first is the relaxation of intellectual property rights to facilitate the transfer of mRNA technology to developing countries, that, for the moment, neither Pfizer nor Moderna is willing to consider. Patents — guarding knowledge now to promulgate more in the future — remain a crucial incentive for needed research into emerging variants.

    Pfizer and Moderna have agreed to the second course of action: building factories of their own within developing countries, with early moves in South Africa, Rwanda and Senegal. Johnson and Johnson and Oxford-AstraZeneca have also set up multiple manufacturing sites globally. International institutions are backing these private sector initiatives with, for example, the International Finance Corporation making significant investments in India, Senegal and South Africa.

    In fostering developing country manufacturing capacity, Singapore has been identified as a possible role model. French pharmaceutical company Sanofi’s proposed production facility there offers a potential template in digital infrastructure and equipment capabilities that allow for quick changeovers, enabling toggle between three or four different types of vaccines.

    But here is the rub — and the qualifier to this second course of action. Singapore is hardly representative of developing countries that, for the most part, have neither the trained people nor the regulatory regime needed to establish and maintain a safe and reliable vaccine manufacturing capacity. Some developing countries also impede their own manufacturing potential by imposing tariffs on critical vaccine inputs. In short, new factories will not come online fast enough to meet demand.

    Increased vaccine supply not sufficient

    The immediate need is for increased dedicated production and export from advanced economies (and developing countries, like India, with the necessary capacity) to developing countries of variant-adapted vaccines — whether mRNA, viral vector or recombinant protein vaccines. This will need to be backed by financial transfers to the poorest countries to enable them to import vaccines.

    Increased vaccine supply to poorer countries, though essential, is not sufficient. It needs to be accompanied by improved vaccine advocacy, and, critically, by wider curative treatment in developing countries, like Pfizer’s antiviral pill, because, realistically, many of the poorest countries will not be able to maintain a full repeat vaccination program. A necessary complement to increased vaccine availability in poorer countries is the establishment of reliable drug distribution channels making treatment cheap, widely available and free of counterfeits.

    Even better developing country access to both vaccines and treatment will not guarantee that the virus will be denied opportunities to multiply. Effectively dealing with COVID-19 also calls for greater vaccine mobility in the rich world, especially the United States where only 64 per cent of the population is fully vaccinated, and in China where reliance on relatively inefficient inactivated vaccines has left many people still insufficiently protected against serious illness.

    All this serves to highlight the importance — and difficulty — of Indonesia’s task as G20 chair in 2022 of ensuring equitable access to COVID-19 vaccines. It also highlights the need for a holistic approach based on multilateral cooperation on what is likely to be a continuing global challenge.

     

    Ken Heydon is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics and Political Science. He is a former Australian trade official and senior member of the OECD secretariat.

    This piece has been sourced from the East Asia Forum of the Australian National University.

    Image: Hippopx image, licensed to use under the Creative Commons Zero – CC0

    Sri Lanka to get Australian help for its maritime disaster preparedness mechanism

    The effort is to build capacities to develop a suitable system, especially with a systems engineering approach to build a more resilient system that can help prevent and respond to future maritime disasters.

    Australia has offered to help Sri Lanka develop a national maritime disaster preparedness mechanism, a statement released by the Sri Lanka foreign ministry said.

    The realisation and the urgency of preparing for maritime disasters has gained currency following the X-Press Pearl disaster, the biggest maritime disaster in the island nation’s history.

    A Sri Lanka foreign ministry statement on Friday said quoting Australia’s High Commissioner to Sri Lanka David Holly that the Australian government is ready to assist Sri Lanka in building capacity to develop a suitable system, potentially with a systems engineering approach. The government statement added that Holly acknowledged that Australia’s approach to maritime disaster preparedness may not be the best fit for Indian ocean island.

    In May 2021, X-Press Pearl, a cargo ship carrying chemicals caught fire off the Sri Lanka coast causing an environmental disaster. For days, plumes of dark, thick smoke engulfed the skyline until the ship, along with its stock of polluting chemicals (and plastic nurdles) sank in the Indian ocean.

    Maritime disaster management

    There is agreement that the disaster has long-term impacts. Media reports and images of partially burnt debris and tonnes of nurdles turning up on Sri Lanka’s shores along with marine litter, including dead animals had caused panic among citizens who even stopped purchasing seafood, otherwise a regular part of their diets.

    A contract for the removal of debris from the wrecked ship was signed with a Chinese salvage company earlier this month. The company has been given four months to complete the work. The Sri Lankan government is anxious to complete the work soon so that activities like fishing and tourism can pick up. These sectors are important contributors to the Sri Lankan economy, currently facing an acute shortage of foreign exchange.

    The government is also being assisted by an Australian law firm on the environmental damage claims Sri Lanka can make of the Singaporean shipping company X-Press Pearl belonged to.

    It is envisaged that the experience from the disaster and the assistance from Australia will help Sri Lanka establish a maritime disaster management entity or a maritime safety authority to address disasters similar disasters in the Indian Ocean and also to provide search and rescue facilities in the region in its role as a regional centre.

    The foreign ministry statement said that government authorities have been in discussions to learn from the Australian experience of managing maritime disasters.

    Upside to the disaster

    Hasanthi Urugodawatte Dissanayake, additional secretary for ocean affairs, environment and climate change in Sri Lanka’s foreign ministry said that an upside to the X-Press Pearl disaster would be that it will catalyse building a more resilient system to prevent and respond to future maritime disasters.

    “This means prioritising maritime emergency preparedness and management through development of a maritime disaster preparedness plan, strengthening the institutional basis for its implementation with adequate capacity building for the staff of relevant agencies,” Dissanayake said.

    Both, Sri Lanka and Australia agree on the need of a collective initiative to achieve a minimum level of preparedness and expertise in the area. This will require setting up mechanisms to facilitate international assistance to avoid overlaps and address key gaps.

    According to the Australian embassy, this will need to be complemented by a systems engineering approach to enable Sri Lanka focus on ‘needs’ rather than ‘wants’ based on its current capacity and resources.

    Sri Lanka developed an initial working draft for a maritime disaster preparedness mechanism for Sri Lanka in September 2021, almost five months after the X-Press Pearl disaster.

    A committee is currently in the process of fine-tuning the mechanism together with other stakeholders “to bring the issue of marine pollution and immediate recovery to global level, particularly caused by plastic nurdles,” the foreign ministry statement said.

    New twist to Sri Lanka’s Easter Sunday bombing case as former top investigator spills the beans

    In a new twist to the Easter Sunday bombing case, a former CID director told the Sri Lanka Supreme Court that the country’s top intelligence services actively prevented criminal investigators closing in on the Easter Sunday bombers.

    A former director Sri Lanka’s criminal investigations department (CID) set the cat among the pigeons by saying that evidences were planted by military and civilian intelligence operatives to mislead the department’s investigations into the Easter Sunday bombings.

    The former investigation department’s boss, Shani Abeysekara told the Supreme Court on Saturday that on several occasions, intelligence operatives misled criminal investigators chasing suspects by planting “evidence” in the run up to the bombings in April 2019.

    The Easter Sunday bombings had shaken the nation. Abeysekara said that on a number of occasions, “national security” imperatives were invoked to block enquiries by investigators.

    Abeysekara presented himself to the court in a bid to stop the police from arresting him for dereliction of duties by not intervening on time to stop the bombings. He had earlier been in police custody for 10 months until his release by a court of appeals. The court severely castigated the police for the unlawful arrest.

    The case threatens to unwrap a pack of lies to spread Islamophobia for political ends by the country’s ruling party, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna.

    The Easter Sunday left 269 dead and more than 500 injured. While Sri Lanka’s Christian community still awaits justice, the island nation’s Muslims are reeling from the bombing’s backlash, facing restrictions in social and public life.

    Framed to mislead

    According to Abeysekara, the directorate of military intelligence (DMI) and the state intelligence service (SIS) the government’s two primary intelligence wings had previous also framed Tamil-speaking men in the murder case of two police constables in November 2018.

    He said that military intelligence led investigators astray with a concocted story of the wife of one of the policemen being in an extra-marital relationship with one of the murderers. He said that if that investigation had not been misled, the involved persons would have been apprehended well in time, thereby pre-empting the Easter Sunday bombings.

    Similarly, the SIS planted a jacket on a purported motorcyclist. In both cases, the investigators were put on a wild goose chase by the intelligence agencies.

    Filing a fundamental rights petition against his imminent arrest on a new charge that he neglected to investigate the Vavunathivu murders which were a precursor to the Easter Sunday bombings, Abeysekara listed how the intelligence units collaborated to divert attention from Islamic extremists.

    The DMI gave four reports on December 5, 8, 14 and January 3, 2019 making a case that the murders of the two constables were committed by ex-LTTE men as retaliation for police blocking a Tiger war memorial in November 2018.

    The DMI had suggested that an extra marital affair one of the victims had with a married woman had resulted in her husband getting an ex-LTTE cadre to kill the constable. Subsequently, the DMI went as far as to name the ex-LTTE men who were allegedly responsible for the killings. But, they turned out to be innocent.

    Sri Lanka Easter Sunday Bombing investigations Sinhala-Muslim politics

    National security a ruse

    Similarly, Abeysekara said that the SIS chief had tipped off the CID about a motorcycle jacket said to have been worn by one of the men who killed the two police constables. Later it turned out that the “evidence” had been planted.

    He said that “national security” secrecy provisions had also been invoked to prevent the CID questioning an SIS operative called ‘Sonic-Sonic’ who had been communicating with a suspect.

    Abeysekara told the court that he was told by a top SIS official “not to proceed with the said interrogation”, which, the official said was art of covert operation connected to national security.

    Politicians and Sinhalese nationalists have used the Easter Sunday attacks to justify their actions against Muslims. Sentiments have been stirred and businesses owned by Muslims were reportedly targeted in the aftermath through disinformation campaigns.

    The targeting of Muslims by religious leaders of the majority Sinhala community have led to exacerbated religious tensions in the country. This suits the politics of the

    South Asian nation and risk alienating large portions of the community.

     

    Image: Inter Press Service

    Nepal’s digital economy plans get a leg up with UPI

    As an open interoperable payments system, UPI will bring the convenience of digital payments to citizens of Nepal and will help modernise the country’s digital payment infrastructure.

    The National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) today announced it will share technology to with a Nepal company to provide unified payments interface (UPI) services in the Himalayan country. This has the potential to pave the way for transforming the country’s digital economy.

    With this, Nepal will be the country outside India to adopt India’s UPI system technology. UPI provides real-time person-to-person and to-merchant payment transactions.

    NPCI International Payments has partnered with Gateway Payments Service, an operator authorised to implement the payment system in Nepal.

    As a payments platform, UPI will help catalyse the process of financial inclusion in Nepal. It has the potential to transform the regional economy by creating real-time cross-border facilities for businesses. Besides, it will also help person to person remittances between people in the two countries.

    UPI will enable the final stretch of consumers in Nepal to reap the benefits of an open interoperable payments system and bring the convenience of digital payments to citizens of Nepal.

    In 2021, UPI enabled 39 billion financial transactions amounting to commerce worth $940 billion, which is equivalent to approximately 31 per cent of India’s GDP.

    45 per cent of Nepalis hold a bank account and mobile penetration in the country is over 135 per cent. Besides, 65 per cent of the population use smartphones.

    GPS CEO Rajesh Prasad Manandhar says, “We expect UPI in Nepal would play a pivotal role in transforming the digital economy of the country and dreams of building a less-cash society.”

    Himalayan ecosystem under threat with China’s building spree in Nepal

    China’s role in Nepal has intensified in the period since the 2015 earthquake, mostly in the form of investments in rebuilding projects. In 2019 alone, China initiated a series of projects, including factories and hydropower plants, worth $2.4 billion in Nepal that run through sensitive environments.

    By Johan Augustin

    Trucks stir up dust on the gravel road here in Syabrubesi, an eight-hour drive from Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal. From Syabrubesi, the road winds 11 kilometers (7 miles) north to the border with China, the only open route north since a 7.8 magnitude earthquake in 2015 devastated much of the region.

    The road itself is being widened, and the trucks carrying rock and gravel here are part of China’s global Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), one of many infrastructure projects in Nepal being financed by its powerful neighbor. Next to the road, a group of Nepali workers are building a tunnel through a mountain, watched over by a Chinese supervisor. Further up the road, Neehima Sangbo Tamang is bracing for the inevitable moment when his land and home are lost to the road-widening project.

    “We will have to move shortly,” he says, adding that the government’s promised compensation won’t cover for the loss.

    China’s role in Nepal has intensified in the period since the 2015 earthquake, mostly in the form of investments in rebuilding projects. For decades, Nepal’s southern neighbour, India, was its main economic partner, a role that is now being challenged by China. In 2019 alone, China initiated a series of projects, including factories and hydropower plants, worth $2.4 billion in Nepal — about 7 per cent of the latter’s GDP.

    Finding a balance

    The BRI, under which China is building a web of roads, railways, power plants and other infrastructure across countries along key trade routes, arrived in Nepal in 2017. Here, it includes airports, hydroelectric plants and paved roads. There’s also a planned 70-km (43-mi) railway line from Gyirong in the Tibet Autonomous Region to Kathmandu, which has raised concerns in India about Beijing’s growing influence in the region.

    But there’s more than geopolitics at stake under the infrastructure boom. Tourism accounted for nearly 8 per cent of Nepal’s economy prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, and was the fourth-largest industry by number of people employed. More than half of the million-plus foreigners who arrived pre-pandemic came to visit national parks, including the Himalayan ones that are home to the highest peaks on Earth.

    Yet many of the road and tunnel projects run through sensitive environments, including national parks, and the construction of hydropower plants has been criticized by environmental organizations and local communities for destroying river ecosystems. Shakti Bahadur Basnet, Nepal’s minister of forests and environment, says he’s well aware of this emerging problem.

    “We need to find a balance to preserve nature and develop our infrastructure,” he tells Mongabay at his office in Kathmandu, adding that the government conducts environmental assessments in sensitive areas before any projects are allowed to commence. “It’s not prioritized to develop those areas.”

    China, infrastructure, environment, landslide, Nepal

    Ambitious replanting plans

    The aim is to keep protected areas intact, he says. “Our policy is not to build roads in the core of national parks but instead in buffer zones,” Basnet says.

    He adds Nepal has ambitious replanting plans ahead. Forty-five percent of the country is already covered in various forms of forests, and 24 per cent is protected in national parks and conservation areas. The government wants to add to that tree cover.

    “We have a much higher percentage of protected areas than the international standard of 14 per cent, but we still want to plant more forests,” Basnet says. “We will focus on parts where there is no forest, and areas prone to landslides, as well as planting trees in urban areas.”

    He adds the government will plant native trees, as well as herbal and fruit trees.

    Basnet says infrastructure projects, particularly road building, will boost development in Nepal by creating jobs and lowering transportation costs and travel time. Many parts of the Terai, the lowland region of southern Nepal, have already seen construction projects benefit local economies. But in the country’s less-developed Himalayan region, where tourism and traditional livelihoods such as yak grazing and small-scale farming are the dominant economic drivers, many worry the environmental and social costs will be too high. They warn that infrastructure projects will pay little consideration to fragile alpine ecosystems, and that carving up the land for roads and tunnels could exacerbate landslides caused by the yearly monsoon.

    Illegal loggers

    Raj Bhatta, a trekking guide in the Himalayas for the past 17 years, is among those who are wary of the projects in this region. He says they will ruin villages, farmland and trekking trails. The explosives being used to carve tunnels through the mountains disrupt farming activity, he says, and push wildlife out of their natural habitat. Bhatta cites reports of monkey troops raiding villages for crops.

    “Nepal needs roads and hydropower, but at the same time the government needs to develop our country sustainably,” he says.

    He adds that many nature trails that previously wound through serene and ancient landscapes have been expanded into roads, which has affected the trekking industry negatively: “Tourists don’t want to trek dusty roads.”

    Critics say the new roads will also open up access for illegal loggers into once-remote forests and help fuel the trade in endangered species, such as parts from tigers, rhinos and elephants, which are highly prized in China.

    China construction infrastructure Nepal Himalayas landslide disaster risk

    Natural haven

    Raj comes from a village near Langtang National Park, Nepal’s first Himalayan national park, created in 1976. A day’s drive from Kathmandu, the Langtang Valley is one of Nepal’s most popular trekking sites and rich in biodiversity. The park is home to species like the red panda (Ailurus fulgens), as well as deer, wild boars, Nepal gray langurs (Semnopithecus schistaceus) and occasionally Indian leopards (Panthera pardus fusca). The more elusive goat-like Himalayan tahr (Hemitragus jemlahicus) and snow leopard (Panthera uncia) prowl the park’s higher altitudes.

    The narrow trekking trails through Langtang National Park weave through lush subtropical forest, where ferns and mosses clothe the tree trunks, and rivers rush by from snowcapped peaks and glaciers. These forests, at an altitude of 4,000 meters (13,100 feet), are home to Indigenous Tamang communities.

    Now, this natural haven is under threat from modern development.

    “I have heard plans of road construction in Langtang,” Raj says, adding he worries that the national park will end up like the famous Annapurna Circuit, where roads have been built. Another such area is the Manaslu Conservation Area, also in the Himalayas. The Manaslu treks are, like in Langtang, famous for their breathtaking scenery. Manaslu, centered around the world’s eighth-highest peak of the same name, is also protected and of high value to the trekking industry. Despite this, several road projects are underway that will cut through its ancient forests and isolated valleys.

    “I’m really worried. This will destroy our environment and scare away the tourists,” Raj says.

    Exporting electricity

    Further up the gravel road from Syabrubesi, and closer to the Chinese border, lies the village of Timure. Since the 2015 earthquake razed the area, the rebuilding, with Chinese assistance, has gone remarkably quickly. Semi-finished hotels and restaurants, made of concrete and wood, dot the side of the road. Prior to the pandemic, the area was buzzing with foreign tourists, Nepali truck drivers, Chinese businessmen, and officials. Work on the Rasuwagadhi hydroelectric project, part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, resumed here in 2016, despite protests from locals who blamed the dam for mass fish deaths.

    Taxi driver Njawang Dorje, one of around 20,000 Tibetan refugees living in Nepal, says the Chinese presence in the village has been good for business, but he still resents it. He says the environment is ruined, and describes the river where the dam is built as “once pure white rapids, and now … a clogged-up waterway with filthy dark water.”

    A detonation shakes the massif above the river; work is still underway on the 111-megawatt plant. It won’t benefit the Nepali people, Njawang Dorje says, since the electricity will be sold to India.

    “It’s only the government making money, and at the same time China controls the river and road,” he says.

    Respect for the environment

    For Basnet, the minister of forests and environment, Nepal’s rivers cutting through mountainous terrain are an untapped powerhouse. The country currently generates 787 MW of hydroelectricity, but could potentially boost this to 100,000 MW within a decade, with the help of China, Basnet says. That’s more power than Nepal needs, and it can sell the surplus to neighboring countries.

    “Nepal takes advantage of the collaboration, both directly and indirectly,” Basnet says. “Hydropower generates electricity that we can use in our factories, as well as selling the residual electricity to India and Bangladesh.”

    But Njawang Dorje, the ethnic Tibetan, warns against betting Nepal’s resources on China, which he says has “no respect for the environment.”

    “We Tibetans have no freedom in China,” he says. “It will be the same situation here.”

     

    This story was first published on Mongabay.com

    Image: Mongabay

    Nepal sees a hike in rights violations

    INSEC-Nepal has documented 6,285 victims of human rights violence and abuses in 2021. There were 5,163 cases of women and 560 cases of men among the reported instances of victims of human rights abuses.

    Intimidation, torture, violence, murder, rapes, abuse, deaths in custody of the State or the violation of rights to assembly or right to free expression or the right to association – data from the past year put together by Kathmandu-based INSEC Nepal tells the grim story of the human rights situation in the country.

    INSEC’s detailed break-up of the victims of human rights violation includes, among many, 74 deaths in jail and five in detention, besides victims of torture, intimidation or threats, arrests and sheer violence or beating and sustaining injuries.

    Civil liberties

    And, while COVID-19 grabbed public attention through the year, there were 363 instances of people being deprived of their right to assembly, free expression and association. There were also instances that pass off as inhumane behaviour (for want of a more appropriate language for being stigmatised, discriminated or being meted out undignified treatment).

    Among the documented cases of human rights violations and abuses, 16 per cent were from Province 1 (also referred to as Koshi or Purbanchal), 11 per cent from Madhesh Province, 17 per cent from Bagmati Province, eight per cent from Gandaki Province, 23 per cent from Lumbini Province, seven per cent from Karnali Province and 12 per cent from Sudurpaschim Province. 86 per cent of the total cases pertained to violations and abuses against women and child rights.

    Women abused

    INSEC (Nepal Informal Sector Service Centre) has documented 6,285 victims of human rights violence and abuses in 2021. There were 5,163 cases of women and 560 cases of men among victims of human rights abuses.

    2021 also saw 3,417 cases of complaints of violation of the rights of women, besides 1,522 instances of victims of child rights violation.

    The discrimination, violence, and exclusion against women violates the humanitarian principles of equality and respect, INSEC says. The organisation’s documentation shows a surge of barriers, in the last decade, as result of a person’s gender identity, adversely impacting their dignity, security, and a spectrum of political, economic, social, cultural rights.

    While, 49 per cent of the cases documented over the space of 10 years relate to the violations of women rights, the instances of violation of the rights of women shot up to 61 per cent in the past year.

    “Fifty-two women were victims of human rights violation by the State and 5,161 women were victims of human rights abuse,” a statement released by INSEC says.

    25 per cent of the cases pertained to matters relating to the rights of children.

    Custodial deaths

    In the last five years, INSEC has documented suspicious trends in relation to death in custody. A total of 19 deaths were documented in this period.

    “The rise of human rights violations and accountability gap in cases of custodial death authorities have not elicited response or actions from authorities,” INSEC says, adding that “there is criticisms in mass media that the State’s treatment of detainees is based on their caste, structural control, and poverty and thus, extra-legal.”

    The INSEC statement says, that there has not been any action nor investigations on the suspicious custodial deaths. Neither have there been any prosecutions. This “demonstrate(s) the dwindling accountability of State institutions on this issue,” says the INSEC Nepal statement.

     

    Image: Tara Baral, 39, has on a fast unto death since 16 November 2021 to oppose an US$630 agreement the government of Nepal is entering into with the US-based Millennium Challenge Corporation. INSEC-Nepal

    Child sex abuse in Madagascar ‘widespread and tolerated’

    Droughts and food scarcity is leading children to sell sex in Madagascar. Two deadly cyclones in recent weeks have heightened worries as successive drought years have led to poverty and food shortage in Madagascar.

    Child sex abuse is “widespread and tolerated” in tourist hotspots in the African island nation of Madagascar, a UN-appointed rights experts said on Thursday.

    In a call to the authorities to take action to protect youngsters from child prostitution and other violations, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) heard that the majority of children who had sex for money, do so to survive.

    CRC is a body of 18 Independent experts that monitors implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by its State parties.

    The international panel urged Madagascar’s government to strengthen multilateral, regional and bilateral accords, to prevent sex tourism.

    Its recommendations followed a scheduled rights review of the Indian Ocean island nation, which in 2004 committed to eradicating all forms of violence against children – including sexual abuse and exploitation.

    Heightened vulnerabilities

    During exchanges with the Malagasy authorities and civil society in Geneva, the UN panel noted the extreme vulnerability of communities affected by recurring drought and chronic shortages of water and food, particularly in southern areas.

    Linked to this, rates of acute malnutrition among children have worsened “exponentially” in Madagascar, said the UN-appointed independent panel, which oversees how member states implement the convention on the rights of the child.

    Madagascar has seen three years of consecutive droughts created one of the worst food insecurity and nutrition crisis in decades. The country is among the 20 countries and regions named as “hunger hotspots” that face acute food insecurity that has driven people to despair, the UN’s World Food Programme had said in January.

    However, a study by a team from the World Weather Attribution  published in late-2021 felt that the drought in Madagascar was not linked to climate change. The study said that “while climate change may have slightly increased the likelihood of this reduced rainfall (over 2019-21), the effect is not statistically significant”.

    Madagascar has also been struck by two deadly cyclones in recent weeks, causing widespread loss of life and damage to parts of the country. UN and humanitarian partners have been providing support and aid to those affected, and extreme weather events have led to widespread hunger across the country.

    Prostitution ‘trivialized’

    In its submission to the panel, the civil society group ECPAT International, explained that child prostitution “has become trivialized in Madagascar and is conducted openly in bars, nightclubs, massage salons and hotel establishments”.

    ECPAT International added that poverty was the main driver of the practice and that some families even pushed their children into vice, the majority being girls, although the prostitution of boys has increased in recent years.

    It said that while more than 250,000 tourists visited Madagascar according to latest data from 2017, the majority of abusers were citizens of the island nation, with most affected areas being the capital and coastal towns.

    The CRC also monitors implementation of two optional protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child – one the involvement of children in armed conflict and on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography.

     

    Image: UNICEF/Rindra Ramasomanana – A road flooded with rain water in Antananarivo, Madagascar.

    UP polls: Did Budget 2022 do enough to placate angry North Indian farmers?

    Hopes that the government would pump money into the farm sector were belied by the fiscal conservatism of Budget 2022.

    When the Narendra Modi government repealed the three controversial farm laws in November 2021, no one had any doubt about the reason for the hurried action. It was clear that the government was trying to douse the anger among the farming community ahead of the crucial assembly elections in five states. The biggest compulsion would have been the polls in Uttar Pradesh, a state the ruling coalition can ill-afford to lose.

    The commentators were unanimous that the government will pacify the farmers by pumping money into the crisis-ridden agricultural sector. They believed that Union Budget 2022-23 would contain some big announcement specifically targeted at the farming community in North India. Surprisingly, the government decided not to have any major measure for the sector that employs roughly 42.6 per cent of India’s workforce and contributes 20.19 per cent of the gross domestic product.

    Budget 2022 disappoints the farm sector

    The reaction to the Budget 2022-23 from farmers unions and the agriculture industry were indicative of the direction of the policies. Farmers unions were quick to attack the government, alleging that it was taking revenge on farmers who forced it to withdraw the farm laws brought in with fanfare. However, the agriculture industry welcomed the Budget, saying the efforts towards strengthening infrastructure and promoting technologies will help farming activities.

    One cannot blame farmers for reacting the way they did. There is hardly a noise about doubling farmers’ incomes nor is there any hike in PM Kisan pay-outs. There were expectations that the finance minister will pump money into the agricultural sector considering that the bulk of the people who lost their jobs in manufacturing and services will crowd the sector, which is already burdened by low productivity and disguised unemployment.

    Fiscal prudence of Budget 2022

    Budget 2022 earmarked Rs 1.24 lakh crore for the department of agriculture and farmers’ welfare. This is nearly 3.1 per cent of the projected expenditure of the government. The agricultural sector is under tremendous pressure due to disguised unemployment and low productivity. Headline-grabbing announcements like doubling of farmers’ incomes have been replaced by more pragmatic steps.

    The three flagship schemes will consume most of the outlay for agriculture. PM Kisan will get Rs 68,000 crore, interest subvention on loans will get Rs 19,500 crore, and the Fasal Bima Yojana (crop insurance scheme) will get Rs 15,500 crore. Budget 2022 has increased the allocation for the Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana, launched in 2007-08, which allows state governments to allocate funds based on local conditions. There is a 422 per cent increase in allocation to Rs 10,433 crore which will give the scheme a fresh lease of life. The Krishi Unnati Yojana, launched in 2016-17, as a bunch of 10 green revolution schemes, has been rejuvenated in the 2022-23 Budget with an outlay of Rs 7,183 crore.

    Foodgrain procurement

    The government has budgeted Rs 2.37 lakh crore for procuring paddy and wheat under the minimum support price scheme. However, there was no plan for the expansion of the MSP regime. The year 2023 has been named as the International Year of Millets. The government will support value addition and consumption of millets for branding millet products in domestic and global markets.

    The finance minister has actually reduced allocation for PM Asha, a scheme to stabilise prices of oil seeds, to just Rs 1 crore from Rs 400 crore last year. This is because the market price of oil seeds is higher than the minimum support price offered under the scheme. The government will implement a scheme to raise domestic production of oilseeds to cut dependence on edible oil imports.

    Stung by the farmer strike that forced the withdrawal of the three farm laws, the Narendra Modi government seems to have reset priorities in the sector. Sitharaman has announced a scheme to use crop residues for thermal power production, instead of allocating funds to bring down stubble burning that results in a spike in air pollution in Delhi and other north Indian cities. There has also been an increase in allocations for animal husbandry and fisheries, clearly reflecting their ability to generate rural jobs.

    Budget and the ballot

    Budget 2022 has cut the allocation for the department of fertilisers, reducing it drastically from Rs 1,49,663.28 crore to Rs 1,09,242.23 crore on the expectations of a fall in urea prices globally.

    To benefit from the advancements in technology, the government will promote ‘kisan drones’ for the digitisation of land records, spraying nutrients and crop assessment. The FM also announced the government’s plans to promote chemical-free natural farming and public-private partnerships to deliver digital services to farmers. NABARD will introduce a fund to finance start-ups in agriculture and rural enterprise.

    In a surprising decision, the government reduced fund allocation to MGNREGA, the government’s rural employment guarantee scheme. It was widely expected that there will be an increase in allocation for the scheme in view of the job losses due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the lockdown measures taken by the government.

    Overall, it has been a disappointing Budget for the sector and the farming community. The government may have to raise allocations beyond the Budget outlay for the year because of uncertainties about the trajectory of the Covid-19 pandemic and the unemployment situation in the country.

    One has to wait and see if the disappointment caused by Budget 2022 will have a bearing on election results. Farmers are central to BJP’s chances of retaining Uttar Pradesh and wresting Punjab from a faction-ridden Congress. While nobody is giving it a serious chance in Punjab, the ruling party is on a strong wicket in India’s most populous state. Samajwadi Party’s Akhilesh Yadav, BJP’s main rival in Uttar Pradesh, has promised a slew of measures targeted at farmer votes. Not to be left behind, BJP also has made several announcements. Only time can tell if these came a bit too late for the ruling party.

     

    This piece has been sourced from Policy Circlewww.policycircle.org/

    Image: Ted Eytan / Cambridge Globalist

    State ministers moot environment council at TERI summit

    Environment ministers from various state governments attending a session of the ongoing World Sustainable Development Summit have mooted the idea of an environment council to implement climate action at all levels.

    Ministers taking part in the World Sustainable Development Summit (WSDS) mooted the idea of setting up a dedicated environmental council composed of representatives from the Centre and the states.

    They pointed out that the implementation aspects of climate action, be it mitigation, adaptation and resilience, often falls on the state governments.

    “On the lines of the GST Council, if we have the environment and forest ministers of all states along with the union minister of environment in a council, I think that is where we can set targets and policies at the national level and implement at the state level,” said Maharashtra minister of environment Aaditya Uddhav Thackeray

    The ministers had e-assembled for the ‘Ministerial Session on Sub-national Leadership for Inclusive Green Growth’ at WSDS.

    Echoing Thackeray’s suggestion, Tamil Nadu finance minister Palanivel Thiagarajan said that, “Lot of implementation needs happen at the local body, district and the state level. While policies are framed at the national level, bulk of the work is to be done at these levels.”

    Emphasising on the crucial role of sub-national governance to tackle climate change as well as aid green growth, James K Sangma, minister for forest and environment of Meghalaya said, “The need of the hour is to have a concerted effort where all the states come together, put aside their differences and work collectively.”

    Sangma pointed out that Meghalaya, along with Arunachal Pradesh form the biggest carbon sinks crucial for India to honour the commitments made at the Paris Agreement. He also put forth the need for the North-Eastern region to be a unique green laboratory.

    “Meghalaya aspires to be a leader to create a green bloc coalition to find solutions to fast depleting natural assets,” he added.

    Green budgeting

    At the session, the ministers highlighted the need for newer measures and yardsticks to assess and tackle climate change related impacts. Thackeray suggested putting out an annual environment report. “We can think of an ‘Ease of Living’ report that lists out environmental steps and targets, and what can be done in terms of climate action such as mitigation, adaptation and resilience,” Sangma observed.

    Noting that the diversity between states is vast and so are their needs and capacities, Dr Thiagarajan observed that for India to achieve the target of net-zero by 2070, “A state like Tamil Nadu has to get there no later than 2050 for it to be a realistic outcome for rest of India as we are far ahead in terms of the average per capita income and per capita consumption, education and growth.”

    The session stressed the need for the states to take up green budgeting in a big way and to draw up district-level maps for an inclusive green economy.

     

    Image: TERI

    Science for the city by citizens: Enhancing local water system resilience

    Skyrocketing hospital bills and rising costs for water, only to be matched by costly repairs of the homes we live in – all because of a taken for-granted attitude to the water around us. Or, for that matter, the lack of it.

    By Zeenat Niazi

    Hospital bills are rising, as gastro-intestinal epidemics, skin allergies, cancers, and chronic impacts on kidneys, bones and teeth become rampant pointing to pollution from water sources. Water bills, too, are rising as bore wells need to be sunk deeper and deeper and often water pipes run dry because treatment plants shut down as these cannot handle the chemical loads in rivers and ground water.  Building repairs are becoming more frequent with foundations settling and walls cracking as the ground subsides, roads need repair more often under stress of alternate high heat and flooding. Drains cannot handle rain showers and street flooding is a regular phenomenon with low-income settlements in a state of permanent water logging. Old deep-rooted trees get uprooted in storms regularly as their roots cannot reach to water anymore, and shallow-rooted trees have no more soil to hold them. There are fewer parks for children to play in as the land is swallowed by parking lots. Fewer trees with shade to sit under in the scorching summer even as soaring temperatures break century-old records. Sparrows have disappeared and so have many other common birds. The city lakes and rivers are foaming with industrial effluents and the stream has become a drain clogged full of sewage and plastic waste.

    This is the story of many a people and cities and towns across India today. Such news raises questions regarding the agency and engagement of common citizens with the governance of our city and its services and infrastructure.

    Inter-connections

    Beyond being consumers and users of the urban water system, what is our understanding of the close inter-connections between urban water systems, public health, quality of life in a city and the city economy, now and in the long term? Do we know the quality of the water that we drink? Do we know what are the parameters it is tested for? Do we know the energy and resources needed to bring it our homes when our overheads water tanks overflow?  Do we know where that overflow is going?  Do we know what happens when we allow our sewage pipe from toilets to empty into a storm water drain? Or do we even wonder what could be happening when our streets flood at the first rain? How do we as residents and citizens respond to that shiny new shopping mall on a land that was designated as the urban forest? Do we look out for that hillock and that urban forest and wonder what happened to our water catchment, when the land use changes? How do we view a new residential development on what was a lake some years back? Do we enjoy the water flowing in that nallah or a turn away at the stench of the drain it has become?

    Information

    From the individual and local to the more complex neighbourhood, ward and city level, there are layers of engagement that we as citizens have with our water system both blue and green; both tangible and virtual and both visible (on the surface) and invisible (in the ground). We, however, may choose to engage with the governance and management of this system either actively or passively. A vast majority of urban residents probably consider water systems management as something that is the sole responsibility of the municipality, and rarely will one find citizens giving their local government high marks for doing this job well. Municipalities, similarly, lament the lack of citizen awareness but beyond public messages for rainwater harvesting and penalising water misuse, do not seem to create mechanisms for active citizen engagement.

    The key to engagement is information and understanding the water system through education about the system. A search on the internet is quite revealing. There is a lack of updated, dynamic and easy to understand information that would enable citizens to become aware of, and appreciate the water system of the area they live in. While educational information in general about urban water supply, sanitation and sewage management and rainwater harvesting is available in plenty, in various platforms and in different forms at state and city levels; it certainly is not in a form adequate to enable citizen engagement with their water system governance and management at the level of their neighbourhood, ward and city.

    Citizen science

    In the digital age, websites of government and public service agencies (including civil society and academic) become the place to search in. A deeper search reveals that the information one finds on the electronic media is very technical and not relatable to the everyday life experiences of common citizens and is often in English, excluding many citizens. The tone and tenor are prescriptive, designed for, and delivered through one-way communication methods. The space for dialogue, discussion and co-creating knowledge informed by good science is not very active at present. Going beyond media reports of water stress and health impacts, and water management communication campaigns issued in public interest, and painting competitions for primary school students, we need active engagement through co-creating knowledge about our water system by engaged aware informed citizens from all strata of the city.

    Here is where perhaps we could place the role of citizen science, where citizens actively engage in creating new scientific knowledge. Crowd-sourced seasonal data, simple high-school level analysis, maps and traffic lights on key indicators, and interactive digital games could enable school children, young university students, Resident Welfare Associations and concerned citizen clubs to get to know their city and participate in making their cities water secure, resilient and eminently more liveable than today.

    Civic engagement

    Citizen science has often emerged from citizen activism. Campaigns led by concerned citizen groups have sought to bring environmental and social issues related to their cities to the forefront. These localised area- and issue-specific people’s movements use scientific evidence, socio-economic analysis coupled with communication skills and information technology and increasingly Artificial Intelligence to create awareness, educate and enlarge citizen engagement with their local issues. Citizen campaigns not only bring different perspectives that are useful to build a shared understanding; they also bring together people from different strata with a variety of skill sets and expertise. Waste management, water and sanitation management, air quality, traffic management and city forests, rivers and lakes have been some of the main issues raised.

    Recent citizen campaigns in India have included citizen action in Bengaluru regarding disappearing and polluted lakes, the popular ‘Kodaikanal Won’t’ movement to build a case for environmental justice and clean-up of the Kodai lake, the ‘Arrey forest movement’ in Mumbai, ‘Save the Aravali’ campaign in Gurugram and NCR, and the two-decade-long ‘Yamuna Jiye Abhiyaan’ in Delhi among many others that seek to conserve urban ecosystems and build water system resilience. They use simple and powerful science communication techniques for common citizens. They not only educate, they also advocate for behaviour change, share knowledge and skills and also, where necessary, demand accountability from their governments through available legal channels. These citizen platforms with their websites and citizen volunteers involved in hands-on, ground level work, armed with technical expertise and strengths in social media communication, and now increasingly networked across the country, are a formidable growing movement which state and local governments would do well to support, encourage and collaborate with.

    Scientific temper

    Citizen Science has led to documentation and analysis of evidence of change in urban eco-systems that can be very helpful for designing technical and management solutions by governments, and for measuring the impact of government programmes and policies. Examples from the participatory learning and mapping exercise in Bengaluru, the Vembanad lake assessment in Kerala, the tree census in Delhi, the Great Backyard Bird Count, the ‘One School One Pond’ project in Puducherry and myriad other ‘river and jalyatras’ by citizen groups in different cities are producing rich data and knowledge.

    With this in mind, Development Alternatives has partnered with a host of agencies to develop a science programme for the citizens of Udaipur city in Rajasthan. This involved designing a comprehensive collaborative initiative to bring together students from school and university and educators and citizens to explore the social, technical, and governance facets of the water system in their city. Armed with basic scientific understanding of rainwater conservation, ground water flows, public sector programmes etc. and trained in simple data collection methods, citizens will collect local information at periodic intervals that will be used to analyse the selected water system of interest.

    We expect to see an increase in the scientific temper and kindle an interest in local water systems and in turn, greater engagement in water governance and employing appropriate technologies and management solutions for the city as result of improved data systems and public acceptability of these solutions.

    This is a long road to travel. However, anchoring and integrating citizen science and citizen participation into our education and local governance processes is likely to deliver robust and sustainable outcomes in enhancing local urban water system resilience. A science – policy – community interface will go a long way in strengthening environmental and social democracy at the grassroots.

     

    Zeenat Niazi is Chief Knowledge Officer and Senior Vice President of Development Alternatives Group

    This piece has been sourced from Mainstreaming Alternative Perspective

    Image: Development Alternatives