The National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel administration formed by ousted lawmakers after the coup, said it is restructuring itself to better support the resistance and the needs of the people.

Myanmar’s military junta has dissolved its ruling body and reshaped itself under a new structure ahead of long-promised national elections in December. The move, however, is drawing heavy criticism from opposition figures, activists, and international observers, who say it is nothing more than a cynical rebranding effort by junta leader Min Aung Hlaing to cement his grip on power.

Hlaing plans to run for the office of the president.

On July 31, the military government announced it had disbanded the controversial State Administration Council (SAC), formed after the February 2021 coup, transferring control to a newly formed body, the National Defense and Security Commission (NDSC). The revamped commission will be chaired by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who will also serve as the acting president and commander-in-chief of the Defense Services.

In the same announcement, the junta said it was ending the nationwide state of emergency that had been in effect since the coup. According to junta spokesperson General Zaw Min Tun, the emergency was lifted because its “objectives had been fulfilled,” and the country was now ready to transition to a “multi-party democratic system.”

But few inside or outside Myanmar are convinced.

“This is not reform; it’s a power grab disguised as reform,” said Ma Ei Ei Khin, a 36-year-old member of the Civil Disobedience Movement now living in exile in Thailand. “Min Aung Hlaing is giving himself more titles, not giving up power. We will never recognize their fake election.”

A New Structure, Same Faces

According to the junta, the NDSC will now assume all legislative, executive, and judicial powers, as permitted under Article 427(a) of the 2008 Constitution. While Min Aung Hlaing has formally “returned” his previous executive powers to the acting president, critics say the shift is purely cosmetic.

The new interim government will remain in place until a new parliament and government are formed after the December elections. The cabinet will comprise 27 ministers and 36 deputy ministers, many of whom are military officials and SAC loyalists.

The NDSC laid out four strategic objectives: establishing a disciplined multi-party democracy, boosting agriculture, improving education and healthcare, and encouraging public participation in the upcoming vote. But a concurrent 90-day state of emergency was declared in 63 townships across nine regions and states, where armed resistance remains strong — underlining how little control the junta has in many parts of the country.

“These areas have seen ongoing clashes between the Myanmar military and ethnic revolutionary organizations,” the NDSC admitted.

‘North Korea-Style’ Rule?

On the streets and in exiled communities, many see the December election not as a return to democracy, but as a tightly orchestrated sham.

“Even if no one votes, they’ll declare they’ve won. Their election is fake and everyone knows it,” said Ko Kyaw Myo Aung, a 43-year-old marine engineer. “We are living under a regime that wants to become the next North Korea.”

Other civilians echoed the sentiment. “I will never trust the military junta,” said Mya Khwar Nyo, a senior employee at a foreign investment firm. “They’re just protecting themselves and their wealth.”

The National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel administration formed by ousted lawmakers after the coup, said it is restructuring itself to better support the resistance and the needs of the people.

“We are entering the fifth year of the Spring Revolution,” an NUG spokesperson said. “We are aligning ourselves with the people’s needs and the realities of the struggle.”

Resistance forces on the ground are also preparing to intensify their operations. The Mon State Revolutionary Force (MSRF) has pledged to escalate military activities to prevent the junta from conducting what it calls a “fraudulent” election.

Repressive Election Law Introduced

Further fueling skepticism about the upcoming vote is a new law enacted on July 29, criminalizing any opposition to the electoral process. The “Law on the Protection of Multiparty Democratic Elections from Obstruction, Disruption and Destruction” imposes prison sentences of 3 to 7 years for individuals and up to 10 years for groups who are accused of disrupting or criticizing the election.

Damaging polling stations or intimidating election workers could result in up to 20 years in prison, and any deaths during alleged disruptions could lead to the death penalty for all involved.

Analysts say this law is aimed squarely at opposition groups, many of whom have been banned or disbanded by the junta-controlled Union Election Commission. Only 55 parties have been approved to contest the election, most aligned with the regime.

The law arrives amid mounting reports that census workers deployed last year were unable to collect data from an estimated 19 million people due to insecurity, casting further doubt on the feasibility of a nationwide vote.

International Reactions Mixed

UN special rapporteur Tom Andrews recently called on the international community to reject the upcoming election as a sham.

“The junta is trying to create this mirage of an election exercise that will create a legitimate civilian government,” he said.

Meanwhile, the United States has quietly lifted sanctions on several Myanmar military-linked companies and individuals — a move that drew backlash from rights groups. The removals were made shortly after Min Aung Hlaing sent a letter to Donald Trump, praising his leadership and expressing hope for closer ties.

Among the delisted entities were KT Services and Logistics, Myanmar Chemical and Machinery Company, and Suntac Technologies, all previously sanctioned for military links. A US Treasury spokesperson denied any political motive, stating the changes were part of “ordinary course of business.”

However, the optics have raised eyebrows, especially given that Min Aung Hlaing’s letter to Trump was widely seen as an attempt to gain recognition from a US president known for his transactional diplomacy.

As Myanmar moves toward its controversial December election, fears are growing that the junta’s changes are simply a consolidation of authoritarian rule under a democratic façade. For millions inside the country, the rebranding brings little hope for real reform — only more repression.

“They can call it democracy,” said businesswoman Ma Hsu Thinzar from Yangon, “but it’s just dictatorship wearing a new mask.”

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