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    The Challenges Facing the World’s Fifth Largest Economy

    Inter Press Service
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    The Challenges Facing the World’s Fifth Largest Economy

    Over the past 50 years, India’s population has nearly tripled, raising serious concerns about the future. With 18 per cent of the world’s population concentrated on just 2.4 per cent of the land area, accommodating further growth is an urgent and unmistakable challenge.

    By Shibu Thomas

    India has surged forward as the world’s fifth-largest economy and has now surpassed China to claim the title of the most populous nation. However, this rapid ascent is not without its challenges; rising unemployment and inflation loom large, threatening demographic dividend and its ambitious goal of sustaining a 7 to 8 per cent GDP growth.

    Projections indicate a staggering population of 1.7 billion by 2050, intensifying issues like employment elasticity, soaring poverty rates, urban congestion, environmental pollution, and the depletion of natural resources. These escalating challenges risk irreversible ecological damage, threaten the delicate balance of species and habitats and post serious ramifications for public health and sustainability.

    Confronting sustainable development in this context, especially amidst the aspirations of a vibrant youth bulge, is an urgent and formidable task. A powerful and cost-effective solution lies in consciously reducing our human footprint. India must urgently integrate population planning into climate change initiatives and sustainable development goals to forge long-term policies that protect our planet.

    This calls for incorporating population discussions into broader environmental strategies, empowering women through education and access to reproductive health services, and launching targeted initiatives in high-fertility districts by building collaborative networks among governments, NGOs, and local communities.

    The demographic landscape of India is currently at a critical juncture, presenting significant challenges in managing its rapidly growing population. Over the past 50 years, India’s population has nearly tripled, raising serious concerns about the future. With 18 per cent of the world’s population concentrated on just 2.4 per cent of the land area, accommodating further growth is an urgent and unmistakable challenge.

    This issue has sparked contrasting viewpoints within the country, with some unequivocally regarding the expanding working-age population as a demographic dividend, while others firmly perceive it as a potential crisis that demands immediate attention.

    Wealth Disparity

    The current demographic trends in India paint a picture of urgency, demanding immediate action to address job creation. The unemployment rate is 8.5 per cent, and 14.9 per cent (MPI) are impoverished. There is a significant wealth disparity, with the top 10 per cent holding more than 60 per cent of total wealth, while the bottom 50 per cent has experienced a decline in wealth.

    The education system is under strain, with over 1.2 million children out of school in 2022-23, struggling to accommodate the expanding population. Urbanization is further burdening infrastructure and essential services. Public healthcare expenditure remains low at 2.1 per cent of the GDP, highlighting the need for universal health coverage. The growing population places immense pressure on arable land, exacerbating land degradation and impacting the resource base.

    Furthermore, the expanding population and increased affluence have led to a rapid surge in energy production and consumption, contributing to air pollution and global warming. These environmental challenges are significantly impacting public health and hindering sustainable development.

    Despite advancements in agricultural productivity with the Green Revolution, a significant proportion of the population still grapples with inadequate access to proper nutrition, highlighting the urgent need to address food sustainability. The increasing population will continue to strain damaged ecosystems, reducing their resilience and elevating the risk of epidemics, soil desertification, and biodiversity loss.

    India’s current demographic landscape is marked by a burgeoning working-age population 500 million, offering significant development potential in contrast to China’s diminishing population. However, India’s population growth may present challenges due to its relatively smaller land area and lower GDP than China.

    While China’s one-child policy facilitated rapid economic growth, there are varying perspectives on India’s fertility rate, which has reportedly dropped below the replacement level of 2.1. Some advocate for population policies, while others question the necessity of such measures, citing historical resistance to India’s coercive population policies in the 1980s.

    Political Violence

    Despite a 7.2 per cent growth rate in 2022-23, resulting in six million jobs, the working population increased by 10 million, leading to “jobless growth.” Although the fertility rate is declining, scientific models project that India’s population may not necessarily decrease due to “population momentum.”

    Historical efforts in the 1970s and 80s aimed at promoting family planning through diverse media and public outreach initially showed promise. However, the efficacy of these initiatives has waned over time, leaving the challenge of unchecked population growth as a critical issue that remains to be effectively addressed.

    The reluctance to address this matter is deeply rooted in political, religious, and cultural concerns. Rapid economic growth and advancements in science and technology have intensified human activity, making it challenging to control. Regulating human population growth is crucial for sustainable development, and historical evidence from the 1960s indicates that uncontrolled population growth leads to resource scarcity.

    Failure to manage human populations may undermine afforestation and infrastructure development efforts. Additionally, unchecked unemployment, particularly among well-educated young men facing limited opportunities, has been linked to increased political violence.

    India has established an ambitious objective to attain net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2070, notwithstanding projections indicating a population surge of 2 billion. A 2024 UNDP survey reveals that 77 per cent of Indian citizens advocate for more robust governmental climate action.

    The I=PAT framework emphasises that environmental impact (I) is influenced by population size (P), level of affluence (A), and technology (T). India’s middle class currently accounts for 31 per cent of the population and is expected to grow to 38 per cent by 2031 and 60 per cent by 2047, increasing per capita consumption. It is important to note that the only variable that can be directly managed is human footprints (P).

    Access to Education

    Given the complex nature of the issue and the underlying social frameworks, concentrating solely on persuading individuals to adopt less environmentally detrimental behaviours is ineffective and potentially counterproductive. It is imperative to destigmatise and integrate population growth discussions into environmental dialogues.

    Government, communities, and individuals advocating proactive measures should collectively shoulder this responsibility. Our focus should pivot towards modifying systems and structures to incentivize communities to voluntarily refrain from procreation for a year, thereby driving significant behavioural shifts on a large scale.

    The government should prioritize high-fertility districts in overpopulated states, particularly in northern India, and urgently improve access to contraceptives and family planning services in these areas.

    The state of Kerala exemplifies that birth rates are lower where women have access to education, healthcare, and the ability to control the number of children. Better-educated women tend to have fewer children, which also signals increased gender equality. Empowering women and their active participation in decision-making can significantly reduce population growth, offering hope for a more sustainable future.

    In conclusion, the interplay between India’s population growth, environmental sustainability, and public health presents a complex challenge that requires immediate and strategic action. To address this issue effectively:

    1. Integrate population discussions: Establish forums and partnerships that unite policymakers, environmentalists, and community leaders to incorporate population growth into broader environmental strategies.
    2. Empower women: Invest in educational programs and enhance access to reproductive health services, particularly in high fertility districts, to enable women to make informed choices about their families.
    3. Implement targeted initiatives: Develop and support government initiatives focused on reducing birth rates in overpopulated areas while promoting sustainable practices at the community level.
    4. Foster collaboration: Encourage partnerships among governments, NGOs, and local communities to promote conscientious living and embrace eco-friendly practices.

    The time is now to act with purpose. Collective decisions made today will determine the quality of life for generations to come. By adopting these recommendations, the nation can forge a legacy that ensures not just prosperity but also the well-being of every citizen.

    Dr. Shibu Thomas; M.D.S, M.S. is an Independent Global Health and International Security Analyst based in New Jersey, U.S.A; an Alumnus of the School of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall University and Former Assistant Professor at Ajman University, U.A.E.

    This piece has been sourced from Inter Press Service

    Malala: ‘Honest Conversations on Girls’ Education Start by Exposing the Worst Violations’

    Inter Press Service
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    Malala: ‘Honest Conversations on Girls’ Education Start by Exposing the Worst Violations’

    With 26 million out-of-school children in Pakistan, 53 per cent of whom are girls, the summit seemed to be in line with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s declaration of an education emergency in Pakistan last year, vowing to “bring them [unschooled children] back to school.”

    By Zofeen Ebrahim

    “She was at her brilliant best, speaking fearlessly and boldly about the treatment of women by the Afghan Taliban, robbing an entire generation of girls their future, and how they want to erase them from society,” said educationist and one of the speakers, Baela Raza Jamil, referring to the speech by Nobel Laureate and education activist Malala Yousafzai.

    Jamil heads Idara-e-Taleem-o-Aagahi, an organization promoting progressive education.

    Malala addressed the second day of a two-day international conference organized by the Pakistan Ministry of Federal Education and Professional Training (MoFE&PT) on January 11 and 12, to discuss the challenges and opportunities for girls’ education in Muslim communities.

    “They are violators of human rights, and no cultural or religious excuse can justify them,” said Malala. “Let’s not legitimize them.”

    Pop singer and education activist Shehzad Roy was equally impressed.

    Roy said, “When she speaks, she speaks from the heart.”

    It has been a little over three years since the Taliban banned secondary education for girls in Afghanistan on September 17, shortly after their return to power in August 2021. In 2022, the Taliban put a ban on women studying in colleges, and then in December 2024, this was extended to include women studying nursing, midwifery and dentistry.

    In October 2012, at 15, Malala survived a Taliban assassination attempt for advocating girls’ education in Mingora, Pakistan. She was flown to England for treatment and has since settled there with her family while facing continued Taliban threats.

    Colonial Laws

    Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy, a university professor and columnist, acknowledged that the treatment of girls and women in Afghanistan was essentially “primitive and barbaric,” but emphasized that “before the Pakistani government takes on the mantle of being their [Afghan women’s] liberator, there are laws relating to women (in Pakistan) that need to be changed and anti-women practices that need to be dismantled.”

    Dismantling many of the colonial laws and legal systems that perpetuate gender inequality at both personal and societal levels was also pointed out by Jamil, who spoke about the important role women can play in peacebuilding. But that was only possible, she said, when society can promote education and lifelong learning without discrimination.

    “In Malala, we have a living example of a contemporary young student’s lived experience of responding to deadly violence by becoming a unique peacebuilder,” said Jamil in her speech to the conference.

    This high-profile conference deliberately kept low-key till the last minute for “security reasons gathered 150 delegates, including ministers, ambassadors, scholars, and representatives from 44 Muslim and allied countries, as well as international organizations like UNESCO, UNICEF, the World Bank, and the Saudi-funded Muslim World League.

    Hoodbhoy, however, said the summit was “solely purposed to break Pakistan’s isolation with the rest of the world and shore up a wobbly government desperate for legitimacy.”

    While some Indian organizations were represented, Afghanistan, despite being invited, was conspicuously absent.

    26 Million Out of School

    This did not go unnoticed.

    “The silence of the Taliban, the world’s worst offender when it comes to girls’ education, was deafening,” pointed out Michael Kugelman, director of the Washington D.C.-based Wilson Center’s South Asia Institute. Given the strained relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan, he said the former may have wanted this conference to bring attention to the Taliban’s horrific record on girls’ education.

    “And it has succeeded, to a degree, especially with an iconic figure like Malala using the conference as a platform to condemn gender apartheid in Afghanistan under the Taliban.”

    Yusafzai was glad that the conference was taking place in Pakistan. “Because there is still a tremendous amount of work that is ahead of us, so that every Pakistani girl can have access to her education,” she said, referring to the 12 million out-of-school girls.

    Kugelman credited Pakistan as the host for not trying “to hide its own failures” on the education front. “It was important that Prime Minister Sharif acknowledged the abysmal state of girls’ education in Pakistan in his conference speech,” he said.

    With 26 million out-of-school children in Pakistan, 53 per cent of whom are girls, the summit seemed to be in line with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s declaration of an education emergency in Pakistan last year, vowing to “bring them [unschooled children] back to school.”

    “The PM is rightly worried about out-of-school kids, but I’m more worried about those who complete ten years of education and fail to develop critical thinking,” said Roy, commenting on the summit. The pop singer has been a very vocal education activist for over two decades.

    Entrenched Societal Norms

    Hoodbhoy had similar thoughts. “Had there been serious intent to educate girl children, the more effective and far cheaper strategies would be to make coeducation compulsory at the primary and early secondary levels to increase school availability and design curriculum to educate and inform girls (and boys) rather than simply brainwash,” he said.

    Roy stated that Yousafzai has consistently emphasized the importance of quality education. With just 150 government training institutions in Pakistan, he said there was an urgent need for reform through public-private partnerships. He also noted that many private schools hire unqualified teachers and advocated for a teaching license, like medical licenses.

    Since forming the Zindagi Trust in 2003, Roy has been advocating for better quality education in public schools. He has also adopted two government girl’s schools in Karachi and turned them around, providing meals to nursery children and teaching chess and musical instruments, both unheard of in public schools, especially for girls.

    The Prime Minister acknowledged that enrolling 26 million students in school was a challenging task, with “inadequate infrastructure, safety concerns, as well as deeply entrenched societal norms” acting as barriers, and stated that the real challenge was the “will” to do it.

    Colonial Education System

    For 34 years, Jamil has raised questions about the design and process of education in Pakistan through annual reports. She believes that bringing 26 million children back to school is less challenging than ensuring “foundational learning” for those already enrolled. “Forty-five percent of children aged 5-16 fail in reading, comprehension, and arithmetic,” she told IPS. Along with improved funding and well-equipped school infrastructure, Jamil was also concerned about what she termed a runaway population.

    Lamenting on a “lack of imagination to solve the education crisis” within the government, she said there was potential to achieve so much more. Jamil’s own organisation’s 2018 Syani Saheliyan project helped nearly 50,000 adolescent girls (ages 9-19) in South Punjab who had dropped out of school. It provided academics, life skills, vocational training, and technology-driven support to reintegrate them into education. The project was recognized by HundrEd Innovation in 2023.

    Even Dr. Fozia Parveen, assistant professor at Aga Khan University’s Institute for Educational Development, would like the government to think outside the box and find a “middle ground” by including local wisdom in modern education.

    “Instead of western-led education in an already colonial education system, perhaps a more grassroots approach using local methods of education can be looked into,” she suggested, adding: “There is so much local wisdom and knowledge that we will lose if we continue to be inspired by and adopt foreign systems. An education that is localized with all modern forms and technologies is necessary for keeping up with the world,” she said.

    Further, Parveen, who looks at environmental and climate education, said “more skill-based learning would be needed in the times to come, which would require updated curriculum and teachers that are capacitated to foster those skills.”

    Qualitative Transformation

    The two-day International Conference on Girls’ Education in Muslim Communities ended with the signing of the Islamabad Declaration, recognizing education as a fundamental right protected by divine laws, Islamic teachings, international charters, and national constitutions. Muslim leaders pledged to ensure girls’ right to education, “without limitations” and “free from restrictive conditions,” in line with Sharia. The declaration highlighted girls’ education as a religious and societal necessity, key to empowerment, stable families, and global peace, while addressing extremism and violence.

    It condemned extremist ideologies, fatwas, and cultural norms hindering girls’ education and perpetuating societal biases. Leaders committed to offering scholarships for girls affected by poverty and conflict and developing programs for those with special needs to ensure inclusivity.

    The declaration concluded by affirming “it will not be a temporary appeal, an empty declaration, or simply a symbolic stance. Rather, it will represent a qualitative transformation in advocating for girls’ education—bringing prosperity to every deprived girl and to every community in dire need of the contributions of both its sons and daughters equally”.

    A permanent committee was urged to oversee the implementation of these outcomes.

    This piece has been sourced from the Inter Press Service.

    Press Freedom: Bangladesh Journalists Navigate a Reporting Minefield

    OWSA Contributor
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    Press Freedom: Bangladesh Journalists Navigate a Reporting Minefield

    While some journalists now avoid critical reporting altogether, others have been replaced by those perceived as aligned with the interim government or the influential Students’ Movement against Discrimination, which spearheaded the protests.

    Five months after the fall of the repressive Awami League government in Bangladesh, journalists are navigating a challenging landscape marked by fear and self-censorship, says a report by BenarNews. Despite an interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus promising freedom of the press, the reality remains far from ideal for many reporters, some of whom face reprisals for their past coverage of the Awami League, the report says.

    In the aftermath of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government collapse on August 5, 2024, during massive student-led protests, some journalists have embraced the newfound freedom to report critically. Others, however, tread carefully, worried about facing accusations, false murder charges, job loss, or social media harassment.

    “False murder cases were filed against a huge number of journalists after the downfall of the government,” said Z.E. Mamun, a former chief executive of the private TV station ATN Bangla, in an interview with BenarNews. Mamun himself is named in a murder case linked to a killing in Dhaka on the day Hasina fled to India.

    The case was filed at the International Crimes Tribunal, which was originally established by the Awami League to try individuals accused of war crimes during the 1971 war of independence. Mamun believes the allegations are baseless but reflect the atmosphere of fear under the interim government.

    Mamun alleges that journalists associated with the Awami League are being systematically silenced. “At least 140 journalists identified as being supporters of Hasina’s Awami League government face murder complaints filed by citizens,” he said. Adding to their woes, many have had their accreditation cards revoked, bank accounts frozen, and finances scrutinized.

    Prevailing Climate of Fear

    According to Sohel Haider Chowdhury, president of the Dhaka Union of Journalists, the fear is palpable across the media landscape. “Almost all media outlets have terminated or sidelined journalists branded as ‘enablers of fascist Hasina,’” Chowdhury told BenarNews.

    While some journalists now avoid critical reporting altogether, others have been replaced by those perceived as aligned with the interim government or the influential Students’ Movement against Discrimination, which spearheaded the protests.

    “There is no direct intervention from the government, but an atmosphere of fear has been created. Journalists are working under constant fear,” said Chowdhury, who himself faces four murder complaints related to anti-Hasina protests.

    Chowdhury added that journalism trade offices, including his own, had been locked by the government, further curtailing journalists’ ability to work.

    A Troubled Transition

    The challenges of practicing independent journalism in Bangladesh predate the interim government. Observers note that restrictions on press freedom and government interference in media have been systemic problems.

    “There was no atmosphere for good journalism during Hasina’s regime, and this has carried over under the interim government,” said Nazrul Islam Mithu, president of the Overseas Correspondents Association Bangladesh.

    Mithu explained that the risks for journalists go beyond professional setbacks. “Anyone criticizing the government faces physical assault and harassment in public places. Their houses are attacked. But no action from the government to prevent such recurrence is visible,” he told BenarNews.

    Shafiqul Alam, press secretary for the Yunus-led administration, rejected allegations of repression, maintaining that the government has taken steps to promote press freedom.

    “The interim government has not slapped any repressive laws or passed administrative orders to muzzle the press as practiced by the Hasina government,” Alam told BenarNews. “Rather, we have decided to scrap the repressive Cyber Security Act and withdraw all cases related to freedom of the press filed under it.”

    Alam emphasized that murder complaints against journalists were filed by individuals seeking justice for loved ones lost during the July and August protests. “The government cannot stop individuals from filing cases,” he said.

    He also dismissed claims of government-led job losses for journalists. “No journalists have lost their jobs because of directives from the government,” he stated, adding that the administration has encouraged critical reporting.

    “What else can we at the government do if journalists practice self-censorship?” Alam asked.

    Theoretical Freedom, Practical Constraints

    Not everyone agrees on the extent of press freedom under the current administration. M. Abdullah, a former president of the pro-Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami faction of the Bangladesh Federal Union of Journalists, dismissed allegations of government interference, attributing self-censorship to personal and professional vulnerabilities of some journalists.

    “For instance, the financial statements of some journalists show unusual transactions of crores (millions) of Taka,” Abdullah told BenarNews, implying financial misconduct among certain reporters.

    Meanwhile, Robaet Ferdous, a journalism professor at Dhaka University, argued that systemic issues persist. “People thought the situation would change after August 5. But the situation has not changed. Now, the students have replaced the government agencies in deciding who appears on TV talk shows,” Ferdous said.

    He criticized the ongoing politicization of the media. “Political parties aspiring to get power have already started placing their favored journalists in key positions in media,” he noted.

    While the interim government claims to champion press freedom, the reality for many Bangladeshi journalists is a precarious balancing act between self-preservation and professional duty. “Theoretically, an atmosphere of free journalism exists, but not in practice,” Ferdous observed.

    The enduring climate of fear reflects a broader struggle for press freedom in a country where the media has long been a battleground for political power. For now, Bangladeshi journalists face a minefield of challenges as they navigate this turbulent transition.

    Rakhine Rebels Seize Police Station in Myanmar Heartland

    OWSA Contributor
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    Rakhine Rebels Seize Police Station in Myanmar Heartland

    The Arakan Army’s move into Ayeyarwaddy region reflects its growing confidence and strategic ambition, says Radio Free Asia, adding that since early January, the group has targeted military bases in bordering regions, including Ayeyarwaddy, Bago, and Magway.

    The ethnic Rakhine rebel group, Arakan Army (AA), has seized a police station in the Ayeyarwaddy region, marking the first time it has captured territory in Myanmar’s central heartland since the military coup of 2021. This development signifies the group’s expanding operations beyond its traditional stronghold in Rakhine state, where it already controls nearly all townships.

    According to Radio Free Asia (RFA), the AA, supported by anti-junta People’s Defense Forces (PDF), captured the police station in Shwethaungyan sub-township, Pathein, on Thursday. The takeover occurred despite junta forces launching several airstrikes to defend the position. Residents reported that the military’s attempts to hold the station failed, leading to their retreat and leaving Ma Gyi Zin village and its surrounding areas under AA control.

    The Radio Free Asia report sheds light on the growing reach of the Arakan Army and the junta’s struggles to maintain control, signalling a turning point in Myanmar’s ongoing civil war.

    Junta Airstrikes and Civilian Impact

    The junta retaliated with airstrikes targeting Ma Gyi Zin and nearby villages, including Pauk Taw Kwin and Ma Gyi Zin Pyar, resulting in significant destruction. A local resident, speaking anonymously for security reasons, described the situation as dire. He said, “Ma Gyi Zin, on the far side of Shwethaungyan, has fallen. The village is already on fire, and this is what’s happening in the Ayeyarwaddy region.”

    The airstrikes have also reportedly destroyed schools, monasteries, and homes in Pone Nyat Maw and Ku Lar Chaung villages. While casualty numbers remain unclear, reports indicate civilian deaths and injuries, with many residents fleeing to safer areas in Chaungthar, Shwethaungyan, and Thabaung sub-townships.

    Military reinforcements have been deployed near Baw Mi village in an attempt to stabilise the region, with “hundreds” of additional troops arriving from Thabaung sub-township, residents said. However, local authorities, including Ayeyarwaddy regional spokesperson and social affairs minister Khin Maung Kyi, have yet to acknowledge the ongoing conflict publicly.

    Escalation Beyond Rakhine State

    The AA’s move into Ayeyarwaddy region reflects its growing confidence and strategic ambition, says the Radio Free Asia report, adding that since early January, the group has targeted military bases in bordering regions, including Ayeyarwaddy, Bago, and Magway.

    In late December, the AA captured Gwa, a coastal town in Rakhine state, signaling a critical step toward their goal of securing full control over Rakhine. Following the capture, the AA expressed willingness to engage in talks with the junta. However, the military responded with intensified airstrikes in AA-controlled townships, including Ponnagyun, Ann, Gwa, and Myebon. These attacks have killed 10 civilians and injured over a dozen, according to local sources.

    The AA’s offensive in the Ayeyarwaddy region underscores the junta’s waning control over the country as the civil war enters its fourth year. Initially focused on defending Rakhine, the AA is now leveraging its gains to challenge the military in new territories.

    Humanitarian Crisis Unfolds

    The escalating violence is exacerbating the humanitarian crisis across Myanmar. The displacement of civilians from Ma Gyi Zin and surrounding villages adds to the millions already affected by the ongoing conflict since the coup. Local communities face shortages of food, shelter, and medical care amid widespread destruction, the report says.

    The junta’s airstrikes on civilian areas, including schools and monasteries, have drawn international condemnation. Rights groups have repeatedly called for accountability for the military’s actions, which they say amount to war crimes.

    The Arakan Army’s latest actions signal a shift in Myanmar’s civil war, with ethnic armed groups like the AA pushing beyond their traditional territories. While the group’s success in Ayeyarwaddy highlights the military’s vulnerability, the junta’s response – marked by airstrikes and troop reinforcements – suggests that further clashes are imminent.

    As the conflict deepens, prospects for peace remain uncertain. The AA’s willingness to negotiate is countered by the junta’s heavy-handed tactics, leaving civilians caught in the crossfire. Observers who the Radio Free Asia reporter spoke to, warned that without meaningful dialogue, Myanmar risks descending further into chaos.

    Image: Logo of the Arakan Army; courtesy Wikimedia

    Taliban’s Ban on Organ Transplants Deprives Afghans of Lifesaving Treatment

    OWSA Contributor
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    Taliban’s Ban on Organ Transplants Deprives Afghans of Lifesaving Treatment

    While the Taliban’s ban on organ transplants ostensibly aims to address the illegal trade, it also eliminates the possibility of medically necessary transplants. Islamic scholar Abdul Saboor Abbasi argued that the Taliban’s interpretation of Shari’a law is overly restrictive, the Radio Azadi report said.

    The Taliban’s recent decision to ban organ transplants in Afghanistan has sparked widespread concern among medical professionals, patients, and human rights advocates. The extremist group has declared the transplantation of organs such as the heart, kidneys, and lungs to be “un-Islamic,” a move that could leave thousands of Afghans without access to potentially lifesaving treatments.

    The ban, announced by the Taliban’s Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice on December 10, also aims to combat the booming illegal organ trade in the country. However, critics argue that it unfairly targets patients in dire need of legitimate medical care.

    “I’m in deep trouble,” said Wahid, a resident of Parwan Province who is suffering from severe kidney and gallbladder issues. “The doctors say a kidney transplant is the only way to cure me. What will I do now?” Wahid asked Firuza Azizi, a journalist from Radio Azadi.

    Radio Azadi also spoke to Rashid, a resident of Herat Province, who shared a similar plight. His cousin, who desperately needs a kidney transplant, has been waiting in a hospital despite their village raising donations for the procedure. “He is still waiting in the hospital,” Rashid lamented.

    Afghan surgeon Bismallah Shewamal, based in Germany, emphasised the critical importance of organ transplants in modern medicine. “Organ transplants are an important means to save lives,” he said, noting that such procedures are widely accepted across the world, including in many Islamic countries.

    Organ transplants often rely on voluntary donations, either during the donor’s lifetime or after death. In many countries, including Islamic ones, family members or close relatives can donate organs to save the lives of loved ones. However, Afghanistan lacks robust legal frameworks regulating organ transplants, which has allowed the illegal trade of organs to flourish.

    Herat’s One Kidney Village

    Afghanistan’s widespread poverty has fuelled an underground market for human organs, particularly kidneys, as individuals struggle to make ends meet. In Herat Province, an area became infamously known as “one kidney village,” where desperate residents sold their kidneys for around $1,500 each.

    The situation worsened following the Taliban’s seizure of power in 2021, which plunged Afghanistan into an economic crisis. The humanitarian disaster intensified, forcing many to resort to selling organs to survive.

    While the Taliban’s ban ostensibly aims to address this illegal trade, it also eliminates the possibility of medically necessary transplants. Islamic scholar Abdul Saboor Abbasi argued that the Taliban’s interpretation of Shari’a law is overly restrictive. “Several contemporary rulings by leading Muslim jurists allow voluntary organ donations for transplants,” Abbasi said. “The donor must be an adult and of sound mind, and the recipient must benefit from the transplant.”

    A Necessity, Not a Luxury

    Globally, organ transplantation is recognized as a critical medical treatment. Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia and Iran have robust organ donation systems guided by Islamic principles. Most organs are donated voluntarily, with systems in place to ensure ethical practices.

    Doctors and patients in Afghanistan fear that the Taliban’s blanket ban will have devastating consequences. “This decision will cost lives,” said a Kabul-based doctor who wished to remain anonymous. “We already lack resources, and now, even the chance of saving lives through transplants has been taken away.”

    Patients like Wahid and Rashid’s cousin represent just a fraction of those who will suffer under the ban. For them, organ transplants are not a luxury but a necessity—one that has been stripped away by the Taliban’s hardline policies.

    As Afghanistan grapples with an economic and humanitarian crisis, the ban on organ transplants adds another layer of suffering for its people. Many now hope for international intervention or advocacy to reverse the decision and provide Afghans with access to lifesaving medical care.

    Is Bangladesh’s Currency Reprint Pressing Delete on Bangabandhu’s Legacy?

    Inter Press Service
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    Is Bangladesh’s Currency Reprint Pressing Delete on Bangabandhu’s Legacy?

    The new notes will no longer carry the customary picture of Bangabandhu as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as the former leader who led the country to independence is known. In common parlance, Bangabandhu means Friend of Bangla people.

    By Kumkum Chadha

    History seems to be chasing Bangladesh even while the interim government is grappling with real issues of administering a country thrown into chaos.

    In July 2024, this South Asian country faced an upheaval when a students’ movement drove out Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from office.

    Protestors took to the streets over a quota system for government jobs. Their angst — disproportionate benefits to descendants of freedom fighters.

    Once political parties and fundamentalists jumped in, the focus shifted, with protestors demanding Hasina’s resignation.

    Hasina was forced to leave the country she had ruled for 15 years. She landed in India for what was then flagged as a temporary refuge: “For the moment only,” as India’s Foreign Minister S Jaishankar had then told the Indian Parliament.

    Back home in Bangladesh, an interim government headed by Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus took charge of governing a country clearly at a crossroads — in other words, a toss-up between Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s legacy or charting a new course without the baggage of history.

    It is against this backdrop that one must examine the new narrative of the interim government to reprint Bangladesh’s currency notes.

    Initiated by the Central Bank of Bangladesh, the new notes will no longer carry the customary picture of Bangabandhu as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as the former leader who led the country to independence is known. In common parlance, Bangabandhu means Friend of Bangla people.

    “Phasing out” is how officials from Bangladesh Bank explained the move, while 70-year-old Alamgir, a witness to the War of Liberation, called it “an altered history,” in other words, pressing a delete button on Bangabandhu’s legacy.

    To say that the sins of a daughter have adversely impacted her father’s legacy may be a bit of a stretch because even on his own, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was a controversial figure.

    An Overkill

    A folk hero turned dictator, he failed to address the real issues of Bangladesh. Instead, he became authoritarian and suspended rights. As Prime Minister, his daughter Hasina followed in her father’s footsteps.

    Hence the anger of the people that spilled to the streets last year took a toll both on Sheikh Hasina and the legacy.

    For starters, the current generation, many in the forefront of the students’ protest in Bangladesh, resent the undue space accorded to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through the years, particularly when Hasina ruled. Not only do they want to erase his imprint, but they also intend to rewrite and, if possible, clean up the bloody chapters of history.

    In this context, is the currency note redesign the first substantive step taken by the interim government headed by Yunus?

    Fazal Kamal, former editor of The Independent and Bangladesh Times, does not think so.
    “It is not the government that has taken the initiative. It is an intense reaction from among the people of Bangladesh to Hasina’s insistence on ensuring Mujib’s seal on everything. It is this overkill that Bangladeshis want to end. The interim government is only going along,” he told IPS.

    Given the hullabaloo, it must be pointed out that this is not the first time that Mujibur Rahman’s mugshot, if one may be allowed to use the term, has been taken off currency notes.

    A Second Independence

    In 1976, a year after Bangabandhu and some of his family members were assassinated, the series of notes that were introduced did not have his image. It was only in 1998 that he made a comeback on the taka and has remained since. A taka is a basic monetary unit in Bangladesh.

    Therefore, when Farid Hossain, who has served as Minister at the Bangladesh High Commission in New Delhi, calls the currency issue “much ado about nothing,” he is not off the mark.

    “On ground, people want governance — they want law and order and currency, which can buy more rather than which image it carries,” Hossain said, adding that the move is indicative of the interim government “giving in to pressure” from the radicals.

    To many, Hasina’s ouster is nothing short of a “second independence.” Yet there is a large segment that is against what Hossain has termed “wholesale erosion” of history and legacy: “Today Bangladesh faces an ideological divide and the narrative that was buried years ago seems to have resurfaced.”

    In other words, today’s generation in Bangladesh wants to resurrect the real face of Mujibur Rahman and strip him of the legacy draped in grandeur. And in this, the interim government has been an active player.

    “The intention of the interim administration is to take the country away from its historical legacy. The current regime has pandered to its unruly student followers who have been crushing every symbol of history,” says political analyst Syed Badrul Ahsan.

    As for succumbing to pressure, the interim government is in the eye of a storm on another issue — the tricky and sensitive issue of Hasina’s extradition.

    Political Vendetta

    Bangladesh has sent a note verbale to the Indian government saying that it wants Hasina back for a judicial process. A note verbale is a diplomatic communication from one government to another.

    There has been a persistent demand, as Kamal points out, for leaders of the previous regime to be brought back and tried. Call it vendetta politics if you will but the popular sentiment seems to be that Hasina should be sent to the gallows.

    Though India and Bangladesh have an extradition treaty in place, it exempts political vendetta.

    Article 6 of the treaty states that extradition may be denied if the alleged offence is of a political nature. That Hasina is being tried for her political offences is a given: “A note verbale is not enough. The interim government does not have a mandate. It is there to administer and steer reforms and not indulge in politicking. But it seems to be taking up the side issue of radicals and seems to be giving in,” Pinak Ranjan Chakravarty, former Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh, told IPS.

    Dismissing the extradition request as “mere rhetoric resulting from domestic pulls and pressures,” the former ambassador says India is unlikely to accommodate its neighbour on this issue.

    He also did not rule out Yunus using this as a “pressure tactic” to tell India to restrain Sheikh Hasina from making political statements from Indian soil.

    For record, in a virtual address last month, Hasina stated that Yunus was running a “fascist regime” that encouraged terrorists and fundamentalists. Interestingly, the extradition request had followed soon after.

    Both issues seem to be hanging in the air — the new currency notes are yet to be printed and on Hasina’s extradition, the Indian government is silent.

    As for Mujib’s legacy, his statue can be vandalized, his images defaced and his daughter’s sins denigrate his legacy, but Bangabandhu’s footprint from history, however controversial, cannot be erased.

    This piece has been sourced from Inter Press Service.

    South Asia’s Resilient Economic Outlook Amid Global Uncertainty

    OWSA Contributor
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    South Asia’s Resilient Economic Outlook Amid Global Uncertainty

    India remains the key growth engine, with an anticipated GDP growth of 6.6 per cent in 2025. The country’s robust services sector, resilient private consumption, and ongoing infrastructure investments are expected to sustain its upward trajectory.

    Global economic growth is projected to remain at 2.8 per cent in 2025, unchanged from the previous year, according to the United Nations’ flagship report, World Economic Situation and Prospects (WESP) 2025, released last week. While global growth lags behind pre-pandemic levels, the report highlights South Asia as a standout region with robust economic prospects despite lingering global uncertainties.

    The report, released by the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), projects South Asia’s regional GDP growth at 5.7 per cent in 2025, slightly lower than the 5.9 per cent forecasted for 2024. This performance is driven by strong economic activity in India, alongside recoveries in Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.

    “South Asia’s economic outlook remains robust, with regional GDP anticipated to grow by 5.7 per cent in 2025, compared to 5.9 per cent in 2024, supported by strong performance in India and recovery in Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal and Sri Lanka,” the report produced by DESA said.

    However, it warned that risks to the outlook are tilted to the downside owing to deceleration in external demand, ongoing debt challenges, and social un-rests.

    India remains the key growth engine, with an anticipated GDP growth of 6.6 per cent in 2025. The country’s robust services sector, resilient private consumption, and ongoing infrastructure investments are expected to sustain its upward trajectory. Meanwhile, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, both of which have faced significant economic and debt challenges, are poised for moderate recovery once their financial crises are resolved. Bhutan and Nepal also show signs of economic stabilization, supported by improvements in trade and tourism.

    Hamid Rashid, Chief of the Global Economic Monitoring Branch at DESA, underscored the importance of addressing debt issues in Pakistan and Sri Lanka. “Once these challenges are resolved, their economies have significant potential for growth,” he stated.

    Challenges and Risks

    Despite its robust outlook, South Asia faces several downside risks. The report highlights deceleration in external demand, geopolitical tensions, and trade disputes as potential threats to growth. Additionally, climate change poses severe risks, with the potential to exacerbate inflationary pressures and threaten food security across the region.

    Persistent food inflation remains a critical concern, affecting nearly half of developing countries globally. For South Asia, this issue is compounded by extreme weather events and vulnerabilities in agricultural supply chains. The report warns that sustained food inflation could push millions further into poverty, undermining progress towards achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    “Looming risks ahead East and South Asia face mounting downside risks that could dampen economic prospects. Key risks and challenges include escalating geopolitical tensions, trade disputes, and the impact of climate change, which could reignite inflationary pressures and pose severe risks to food security.”

    Global Economic Context

    The global economic landscape continues to grapple with stagnation, with growth remaining below the pre-pandemic average of 3.2 per cent. Weak investment, sluggish productivity, and high debt levels have constrained recovery, while geopolitical conflicts and trade tensions exacerbate uncertainties.

    Despite these challenges, the report projects a modest boost to global activity in 2025 due to easing inflation and monetary policy adjustments in major economies. Inflation is expected to decline to 3.4 per cent globally, providing some relief to businesses and households. However, many developing nations, including those in South Asia, will continue to face double-digit inflation rates and high debt-servicing burdens, limiting their fiscal space for development investments.

    Trade and Services: A Bright Spot

    Global trade is forecast to expand by 3.2 per cent in 2025, driven by strong exports from Asia and a rebound in services trade. South Asia’s export performance, particularly in services and select manufactured goods, is expected to bolster regional growth. The report emphasizes the importance of maintaining competitive export industries to sustain economic momentum.

    Critical Minerals: Opportunities and Risks

    The report’s thematic focus on critical minerals highlights the dual opportunities and challenges for developing countries. Minerals such as lithium, cobalt, and rare earth elements are crucial for the global energy transition, offering significant potential for resource-rich countries to generate revenue, create jobs, and accelerate sustainable development.

    For South Asia, the exploitation of critical minerals could provide an avenue for economic diversification. However, the report warns of associated risks, including poor governance, environmental degradation, and unsafe labor practices. DESA Chief Li Junhua emphasized the need for comprehensive policies to ensure sustainable extraction and equitable benefit-sharing.

    “Critical minerals have immense potential to accelerate sustainable development, but only if managed responsibly,” Li stated. Governments are urged to adopt forward-looking strategies that prioritize environmental sustainability and socio-economic equity.

    Policy Recommendations for Sustainable Growth

    To sustain growth and address underlying vulnerabilities, the report calls for bold multilateral action and prudent policymaking. Key recommendations include:

    1. Debt Resolution: For countries like Pakistan and Sri Lanka, resolving debt crises is paramount to unlocking growth potential. International financial institutions must play a proactive role in restructuring debt and providing concessional financing.
    2. Investment in Clean Energy and Infrastructure: Governments should leverage fiscal space created by monetary easing to prioritize investments in renewable energy, infrastructure, and critical social sectors such as health and education.
    3. Climate Resilience: With climate change posing significant risks to food security and livelihoods, the report underscores the need for adaptive measures. Strengthening agricultural supply chains, promoting sustainable farming practices, and investing in disaster-resilient infrastructure are crucial for mitigating climate-related challenges.
    4. Strengthening Regional Cooperation: Enhanced cooperation among South Asian nations can help address shared challenges such as trade barriers, energy security, and climate resilience. Regional trade agreements and collaborative infrastructure projects can foster economic integration and shared prosperity.
    5. Harnessing Critical Minerals Responsibly: Policymakers must establish robust regulatory frameworks to manage the extraction and trade of critical minerals. This includes implementing sustainability standards, ensuring fair labour practices, and promoting value addition within domestic economies.

    Global Call to Action

    UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, in his foreword to the report, emphasized the interconnected nature of global challenges and the need for collective action. “In our interconnected economy, shocks on one side of the world push up prices on the other. Every country is affected and must be part of the solution,” he stated.

    Guterres called for decisive measures to tackle debt, inequality, and climate change, urging countries to build on progress made and deliver sustainable solutions. “Together, let’s make 2025 the year we put the world on track for a prosperous, sustainable future for all,” he added.

    South Asia’s economic resilience offers a beacon of hope in an otherwise subdued global environment. With prudent policies and enhanced regional cooperation, the region can navigate its challenges and capitalize on emerging opportunities.

    However, addressing underlying vulnerabilities, from debt crises to climate risks, remains critical to ensuring inclusive and sustainable growth. The WESP 2025 report serves as a clarion call for governments and international stakeholders to adopt bold and coordinated actions to tackle pressing global and regional challenges.

    As South Asia strides forward, its success will hinge on balancing economic dynamism with sustainable development imperatives, offering lessons and inspiration for the broader global community.

    Erratic Sales and Government Apathy Hurt Telangana Weavers

    Inter Press Service
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    Erratic Sales and Government Apathy Hurt Telangana Weavers

    The Telangana government does not subsidise electricity; this has resulted in the Siddipet weavers continuing to use handlooms instead of switching to powerlooms, making their work even more tedious and hard.

    By Rina Mukherji

    The southern Indian state of Telangana has always been home to exquisite cotton and silk weaves. But in recent years, lack of market access, expensive inputs, and government apathy have taken their toll on the weaving community. As a result, the younger generation is refraining from pursuing this traditional occupation and opting for more lucrative pursuits.

    This is evident when one visits the weaving towns of the state. Take Siddipet, which is about 100 km from the metropolitan city of Hyderabad. Siddipet has always been known for its exquisite cotton saris and stoles. But today, only about a hundred wizened individuals, spread over seven handloom cooperatives, still weave.

    Srivikailasam is a renowned middle-aged weaver who was honoured by the Chief Minister with the Konda Laxman Bapuji Award. His saris, dupattas and stoles are prized items in the export market. Yet none of his children—a son and two daughters—want to inherit his craft.

    Another weaver, known as Ilaiyah, has been weaving for the past 60 years, since he turned 15. Yet his children have turned their backs to weaving.

    Yadagiri has also been weaving for the past 60 years, like his fellow weavers. But neither his son nor daughter are interested in learning to weave.

    Master weaver Mallikarjun Siddi, who also owns a marketing outlet in Siddipet, followed his father, renowned weaver Buchaiah Siddi, into the profession. But his children have opted out of this traditional occupation.

    Low Returns

    However, Siddi defends the youngsters.

    “Why would youngsters want to adopt a profession that pays so little? A weaver earns Rs 1000 (USD 11.82) a day here, and it takes three full days to weave a sari. A job in the IT hub of HiTech City in Hyderabad fetches a lot more.”

    Worse, the Telangana government does not subsidise electricity; this has resulted in the Siddipet weavers continuing to use handlooms instead of switching to powerlooms, making their work even more tedious and hard. Electricity is Rs 10 (USD 0.12) a unit. If subsidized, the cost comes down to Rs 1 (US$ 0.012) per unit. Power loom machinery is expensive, ranging from Rs 1.5 lakh to 6 lakh (USD 1773.5 to USD 7101). With electricity subsidy, a weaver can bear the burden. Otherwise, it is not possible. Hence, even today, you see only handlooms here,” explains Siddi.

    Marketing the product is also tough. The government buys the product at higher rates but does so lackadaisically. “Their representatives come only once a year, and although the payment is higher, it is not immediate. Private parties come regularly, and often, pay immediately,” say weavers.

    The story is hardly any different in Pochampally, world-renowned for its ikat silk weaves. Ikat here can be either single ikat or double ikat, with the second being even more expensive. The yarn has to be initially soaked and then dyed before weaving. Since ikat weaves require every thread of the yarn to be dyed separately, a power loom can never be used. Thus, ikat weaves, whether cotton or silk, must be woven on a handloom, as master weaver Laxman Tadaka points out. The silk yarn comes from Bengaluru and is priced at Rs 4500 (USD 53.20) per kilogram. A weaver needs an average of 6 kg of yarn to weave seven saris a month. To bear the cost of inputs and the effort, a weaver must make enough sales. “The 15 per cent subsidy extended by the government can hardly suffice,” Tadaka points out.

    Dependent on Subsidies

    Rudra Anjanelu, manager of the Pochampally Handloom Weavers Cooperative Society, says they are dependent on subsidies.

    “Our silk saris are expensive. But we cannot afford to give discounts unless the government supports us. A major problem is the 5 percent Goods and Services Tax (GST) that has now been imposed by the central government. It makes saris and other silk products even more expensive.”

    In the past, the state government used to render marketing support through its outlets, offering the products to customers at discounted prices, especially during the festive season, while subsidizing weavers. This is not forthcoming anymore, making it tough for weavers.

    Most weavers have to rely on the Telangana State Handloom Weavers Cooperative Society Limited (TSCO), their apex cooperative, to sell their product.

    “We had suggested a method to jack up our sales. The Telangana government has a Kalyanalakshmi scheme, wherein parents of girls are given Rs 1 lakh (USD 1182.32) for their daughter’s wedding. Along with the money, the government could easily provide a sari worth Rs 10,000 (USD 118.23) for the bride. This will help us weavers too, while helping the parents with the bridal trousseau,” Anjanelu says.

    Besides, most weavers are not happy with the quality of the subsidised yarn provided by the government through the National Handloom Development Corporation.

    Muralikrishnan, a weaver from Koyalaguddem, a village renowned for its cotton ikat, laments, “The yarn provided by the government is of inferior quality and this, in turn, can affect the quality of our end product. It is unlike what we get from private traders.”

    Moreover, as Anjanelu points out, “Yarn has to be paid for. When sales are down, how can weavers buy any yarn?”

    Printed Duplicates

    A big challenge for handloom weavers remains the flooding of markets by printed duplicates, which sell at a fraction of the price of handloom fabric.

    On hindsight, though, it is not as if nothing was done for weavers by the Telangana government. However, if weavers have not experienced long-term benefits, could this be attributed to the outcome of the ballot?

    The previous Chandrashekhar Reddy (state) government, for instance, introduced a 36-month savings-cum-insurance scheme for weavers termed the Thrift Scheme, wherein the government contributed an amount matching the investment made by an individual.

    In Pochampally, land was also sanctioned for a handloom institute, and a handloom park was set up on the outskirts of the town. However, with a new Chief Minister getting elected, the plans came to naught. The Handloom Park too suffered from bad planning. Weavers who had set up shop at the park now have to market their products from their homes.

    It is ironical that the weavers of Pochampally, Koyalaguddem and Siddipet find it tough to sell their exquisite weaves, despite being located in the vicinity of metropolitan Hyderabad, which boasts of an upwardly mobile population with high disposable income.

    Notwithstanding the problems faced, there are a few who have found a solution. Dudyala Shankar and Muralikrishnan of Koyalaguddem have diversified their range of products to include ikat fabric and bedsheets, alongside traditional saris, dupattas, and stoles. Muralikrishnan has been accessing markets all over India through the internet, from his dusty little village.

    “It is the only way out,” he tells me.

    Indeed, the World Wide Web can certainly fill in where humans cannot. Product diversification and market access translating into sales may ultimately wean back the younger generation to keep the weaving tradition alive in Telangana and prevent it from dying out.

    Private Forces Pose Public Risks for China–Myanmar Stability

    East Asia Forum
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    Private Forces Pose Public Risks for China–Myanmar Stability

    The establishment of a China–Myanmar joint security company highlights China’s focus on protecting investments amid Myanmar’s instability. Despite anti-junta resistance, Chinese projects face risks, including attacks by junta-backed groups.

    The formation of a joint venture security company has generated significant debate concerning the expanding role of Chinese security entities in Myanmar. Myanmar’s military junta agreed to establish a committee to facilitate the company’s establishment on 22 October 2024, comprising senior officials from various ministries. This initiative highlights China’s strategic focus on securing its investments in Myanmar amid growing instability.

    The committee’s mandate includes oversight of imported items such as weapons, equipment and communication devices. This move coincides with China’s broader strategy to manage its proxy armies and align their operations with the goal of stabilising relations with the Myanmar junta, potentially curbing their activities against the junta. It also reflects century-long practices of ‘frontier governance’ since imperial China.

    Chinese investments in Myanmar face heightened risk due to the ongoing civil conflict. Since the initiation of ‘Operation 1027’ in October 2023 and as at 24 December 2024, 23 out of 34 Chinese projects — particularly in Rakhine, northern Shan State and the central lowlands — have fallen under the control of anti-junta forces. Despite these challenges, the Three Brotherhood Alliance and even the National Unity Government of Myanmar-affiliated People’s Defence Force have not directly targeted Chinese projects. But the junta-backed militia, Pyusawhti, allegedly attacked the Chinese Consulate in junta-controlled Mandalay on 18 October 2024 — the second such incident in 70 years of diplomatic relations.

    Senior Chinese diplomatic officials have consistently pressured Myanmar’s leadership to ensure the safety of Chinese investments and citizens. But the newly proposed joint venture security company has the potential to shift the status quo by incorporating armed personnel into existing, unarmed private security arrangements — a development that could provoke both diplomatic and local tensions.

    Non-State Security Actors

    The establishment of this company may also be linked to recent visits by influential figures, including China’s envoys to Than Shwe — junta chief Min Aung Hlaing’s mentor — and former president Thein Sein’s visit to China in June 2024. These interactions suggest a recalibration of Myanmar’s approach to Chinese involvement, despite Min Aung Hlaing’s known anti-China stance.

    China’s strategy in Myanmar is adapting to current conditions by broadening its network of engagements with non-state security actors. While the establishment of this joint venture reflects efforts to secure relations with the junta, it is likely just one element of a broader strategy to broker arrangements with a wider array of actors ranging from ethnic armed organisations to private militias.

    The deployment of armed Chinese security forces in Myanmar presents significant legal and political challenges. Myanmar’s 2008 constitution explicitly prohibits the stationing of foreign troops on its soil, reflecting its ‘non-aligned’ foreign policy and the military’s self-declared role as the guardian of ‘national sovereignty’. To navigate this restriction, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing appears to be planning for such personnel to be classified as a private security firm, enabling their operations while avoiding constitutional violations. These forces are ostensibly tasked with protecting Chinese interests, effectively operating as proxies for the People’s Liberation Army.

    Should disputes arise, this framework allows the Chinese government to maintain plausible deniability regarding direct involvement in Myanmar’s internal affairs. By presenting the forces as independent entities, China minimises perceptions of governmental influence, mitigating potential backlash.

    The 771-kilometer Myanmar–China oil and gas pipelines and other strategic engineering projects epitomise the stakes involved in this evolving security landscape. Chinese security forces stationed along the pipeline’s route could encounter resistance from revolutionary forces, further complicating operational dynamics.

    Delicate Balancing Act

    China’s security footprint in Myanmar also carries broader regional implications. The proximity of Chinese security personnel to India’s delayed Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project is likely to amplify strategic concerns in New Delhi. Similarly, neighbouring nations such as Bangladesh and Thailand may view China’s expanded presence as a potential threat to their own security interests.

    These anxieties are further mirrored in the discourse surrounding China’s Global Security Initiative, which Myanmar’s junta has endorsed. A 2023 survey indicated that 74 per cent of Myanmar’s policy community was unaware of the Index, and 67 per cent believed that it disproportionately benefits the junta. Ethnic armed groups and civil society actors remain sceptical of the initiative’s broader implications.

    The introduction of Chinese private security forces into Myanmar further risks entangling Beijing more deeply in the country’s protracted civil conflict. Comparisons to security challenges along the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor exemplify the vulnerability of Chinese personnel to becoming targets in retaliation, potentially triggering diplomatic crises and undermining China’s broader regional ambitions.

    As revolutionary groups maintain control over numerous Chinese project sites, the efficacy of private security forces remains uncertain. Persuading revolutionary groups to permit the resumption of Chinese projects without resistance poses a formidable challenge. The potential for increased collaboration between Chinese and Myanmar armed forces under the Global Security Initiative framework also raises concerns about the militarisation of economic corridors, with implications for regional stability.

    China’s strategic calculus in Myanmar reflects a delicate balancing act. While safeguarding investments aligns with Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative objectives, overreach risks fuelling resentment and triggering regional pushback. The possibility of escalating violence involving Chinese nationals underscores the precarious nature of this joint venture security project, necessitating careful evaluation of its long-term consequences.

    Sike Chan is a Research Consultant at the New Rehmonnya Federated Force. He has expertise in international development and political science, and his work focuses on China–Myanmar relations, conflict and security.

    This piece has been sourced from East Asia Forum.

    Image from Wikimedia: Myanmar-China Border Yanlonkyine Gate, near Laukkaing

    India: Protests Erupt Over Hazardous Waste Disposal of Bhopal Gas Tragedy

    Inter Press Service
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    India: Protests Erupt Over Hazardous Waste Disposal of Bhopal Gas Tragedy

    The protests have erupted over the hazardous waste disposal from the area where the Bhopal gas tragedy took place. The local community of Pithampur says the incineration of Bhopal gas tragedy waste is unsafe for their health and environment.

    By Shuriah Niazi

    An eerie calm prevails over Pithampur, a town 250 km (155 miles) away from Bhopal, the capital of the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. This town witnessed widespread protests for three days last week following the transportation of large quantities of toxic waste from the site of one of the world’s worst industrial disasters in Bhopal.

    On Wednesday, December 1, about 337 metric tonnes of toxic waste were transported to Pithampur in 12 containers amid tight security from Bhopal. This hazardous waste originated from the now-defunct Union Carbide Factory in Bhopal, where it had been stored for the past 40 years. The site is infamous for the tragic gas leak that occurred on the night of December 2-3, 1984, which resulted in the instant deaths of 3,500 people and thousands of others over the years.

    The toxic waste from Bhopal was intended to be incinerated at Ramky Enviro Industries; however, protests escalated last week and two people even attempted self-immolation. Both are currently hospitalized. In response, the government halted the incineration process.

    On Monday, the Madhya Pradesh High Court gave a six-month deadline to the government to dispose of the waste. The government told the court that it would first work to gain the trust of the residents of Pithampur and the surrounding areas before proceeding with the incineration.

    In 2015, the Supreme Court had ordered a trial for the disposal of 10 metric tonnes of waste. Following this, incineration was carried out at Ramky Enviro Engineers. However, residents in the vicinity have reported concerns about negative impacts on their health and the local environment.

    Crop Yield Declines

    A resident from Silotiya village, situated near the factory, complained about the impact on farming.

    “Earlier, this area used to produce excellent crops, but after the trial was conducted here 10 years ago and the waste was spread, our farming has suffered greatly,” Nageshwar Chaudhary told IPS. “The water in the entire region has become contaminated, and people are experiencing poor crop yields. This is why the community protested when the decision to incinerate the waste was made and the toxic waste reached here to be burnt.”

    Chaudhary further said that the administration had assured locals before the trial runs in 2015 that there would be no adverse effects.

    “But now the lands have become so infertile that even if we wish to sell them, no one is ready to buy,” Chaudhary claimed.

    Atma Raghuvanshi from Bagdari, another village close to the Ramky Enviro Industries, said that the factory’s waste has led to the contamination of water and it is a major problem.

    “People are selling their land and moving away. We’re not receiving fair prices for our land due to the pollution. The pollution has worsened because of the poisonous waste,” said Raghuvanshi.

    Officials Attempt to Allay People’s Apprehension

    On the other hand, the officials maintain that the incineration of toxic waste will not cause any harm.

    “The disposal of this waste will not harm anyone. In 2015, we conducted a trial run where 10 tonnes of waste were incinerated, and the results were positive. Therefore, it would be wrong to claim that it will cause harm,” Swatantra Kumar Singh, Director of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief and Rehabilitation Department, said.

    Singh also emphasized that the waste will continue to be disposed of in an environmentally safe manner.

    The administration has said that special precautions were taken during the transportation of toxic waste from Bhopal and the contaminated soil from the storage area has also been brought to Pithampur.

    Over 50 workers equipped with personal protective equipment (PPE) were assigned to load the waste into the containers, with teams rotating every 30 minutes.

    Based on a trial run conducted in 2015, it was determined that 90 kg of waste can be incinerated per hour. At that rate, the incineration of 337 tonnes of waste could take more than five months.

    “The waste from Union Carbide was transported to Pithampur following the highest safety protocols in the movement and transport of industrial waste in the country,” Singh remarked.

    Various Organisations ‘Involved’ in Disposal Process

    Regarding the removal of toxic waste, Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav informed reporters that various Government of India organizations are involved in the disposal process.

    “For the past 40 years, the people of Bhopal have been living with this waste. The transportation of this toxic waste has not impacted the environment in any way. The entire process was carried out safely. We also aim to ensure that this issue remains free from political controversy,” added Yadav.

    The Supreme Court had mandated the removal of toxic waste in 2014, and recently, in December last year, the Madhya Pradesh High Court directed the state government to complete the removal within four weeks. Now it has issued a six-month deadline to dispose of the waste.

    In August 2004, Alok Pratap Singh, a Bhopal resident, filed a petition in the Madhya Pradesh High Court requesting the removal of toxic waste from the Union Carbide premises. He also sought compensation for the environmental damage caused. Alok Pratap Singh has since passed away.

    Only a Symbolic Gesture: Activist

    Rachna Dhingra, from the International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal, has expressed concerns that the waste transported to Pithampur represents only a small fraction of the total 1.1 million metric tonnes of toxic waste.

    Dhingra slammed the government’s action as a mere “symbolic gesture” rather than a meaningful step toward addressing the larger issue.

    In 2010, under the directive of the High Court, the Madhya Pradesh government commissioned the National Environmental Engineering Institute (NEERI) from Nagpur and the National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI) from Hyderabad to study the issue of toxic waste and its associated pollution.

    The NEERI report revealed the presence of hazardous chemicals such as aldicarb, carbaryl, A-naphthol, dichlorobenzene, and mercury in the soil of the affected area. It also indicated that approximately 1.1 million metric tonnes of contaminated soil remained, which has adversely affected the health of people living around the closed Union Carbide factory in Bhopal and damaged the environment over the years.

    “The quantity of waste that the government has moved from Bhopal to Pithampur constitutes less than one percent of the total hazardous waste,” Dhingra said.

    According to her, the NEERI report said there are numerous dumping and landfill sites surrounding the Union Carbide factory where waste was irresponsibly disposed of.

    Dhingra emphasized that hazardous substances from these chemical waste ponds have infiltrated the ground, contaminating local water sources and soil. She urged the government to address this ongoing issue, warning that neglecting it will perpetuate suffering among the community.

    This piece has been sourced from Inter Press Service

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