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    An international treaty on pandemic prevention?

    A narrow focus on a pandemic preparedness treaty would be a missed opportunity to truly revolutionize global health governance and with it, reset and transform the WHO.

    By Simone Galimberti

    The global consensus about an international treaty on pandemic prevention will certainly be a milestone towards the creation of a global health security framework.

    A new treaty is likely to bind the member states to higher standards of compliance, especially if a global accountability mechanism is also enforced.

    Consider the disregard towards the International Health Regulations (2005), IHRs, the only tool available to control what in jargon is referred as a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC).

    Despite numerous review exercises, some of which taken more than a decade ago in the aftermath of the first SARS outbreak in Asia and again after EBOLA hit Western Africa, the vast majorities of these regulations were not enforced in the following years.

    The consequence is that we are still paying the price and very dearly.

    Though the negotiations on the treaty details, especially the complex aspects of its binding legality, won’t be a cakewalk, such tool can offer a strong bulwark against future lethal cross border infections.

    Yet a global treaty won’t be nearly enough alone to guarantee a pandemics free future.

    What is missing is the willpower to truly link preparedness and basic health care, something that is complex and very expensive at the same time.

    A real breakthrough in the global health system will be seen when a new willingness is found unprecedented levels of basic health financing around the world, especially in the developing nations.

    Too complex, too political

    We need massive investments in building national health systems able to provide what it is normally referred as universal health coverage, defined by the WHO as access to a broad range of services, which would include the services that contribute to preparedness to future pandemic.

    If new resources are essential, the capacity of managing them properly is equally important so that the weakest member nations of the United Nations can strengthen their health system.

    Unfortunately, for most of them, there is still a long way to go.

    The WHO has a huge responsibility and duty to support such processes, but so far it failed – and with it, the international community.

    A different organization, starting from its governance, might instead radically change the status quo and enable the creation of trust that essential if we want more money to build national public health system based on equity.

    In the case of the IHRs, it is true that primary responsibility of enforcing them lays with the member states, the WHO is the guardian and at the same time a key enabler in their implementation.

    A stronger WHO could have done more not only to compel governments towards the implantation of the IHRs but also to be more effective in partnering with developing countries in rebooting their national primary health care systems.

    Instead, the agency’s reputed failures since the first outbreak of SARS in early 2000s showed the inability of a too complex and too political organization without adequate means.

    That’s why we need to ensure that the WHO can play a much bigger role: not in replacing the ministries of health in the developing world but in supporting them in building equitable health systems.

    Need to re-found WHO

    For this to happen we do not need the WHO to be re-tooled and re-purposed but also re-founded.

    The focus on the new treaty should not prevent drastic changes in how public health services are delivered in the developing nations and a lifting any “red line” in re-thinking the WHO.

    Since 2017, Dr Tedros Ghebreyesus, its current Director General, embarked the organization into a process of key changes but these improvements, important as they are, do not go far enough.

    What we need is a radical turnaround.

    Following the COVID-19 pandemic, again new proposals have been made to strengthen the organization.

    A lot of emphasis has been laid on increasing the predictability and availability of unmarked resources, so called of “Assessed Contributions”, rather than having, as happens now, a WHO totally relying on voluntary contributions from donors that so far constitute the vast majority of the resources it manages.

    Such contributions are driven by interests and priorities of the donors rather than those of the agency.

    A balancing in the budget contributions of the organization might surely help but at the same time it might be worthy reflecting that some of the most results-oriented agencies within the UN System are entirely dependent on such voluntary contribution.

    This for example is the case of UNDP and UNICEF, the strongest and richest agencies within the UN System. Perhaps the real problem is not the lack of resources in itself but the politicization of an organization that is basically owned by its member states, the governments.

    The same could be said for UNESCO.

    It is not a coincidence that both agencies share low budgets and are among the weakest among their peers.

    Donors too narrow, selective

    At UNICEF, for example there is nothing akin to the role played by the World Health Assembly that effectively controls the WHO.

    The governance there is totally different and it is led by an Executive Board representing the member states that though, have considerable sway over the management of the agency (that’s why the Executive Director is always an American), it is less politicized and less controlling than an assembly of member states.

    Perhaps what we should have is a global fund for public health more similar in its governance and delivery to UNICEF.

    Such radical transformation, improbable at the moment, might be instrumental in truly rebuilding from scratch the WHO and instrumental in turning it into a much more effective agency with less competing centers of powers like is happening now with what are de-facto semi-independent regional offices.

    As consequence a new organization branded as the Global Fund for Public Health could attract the huge investments that developing countries need to build strong and resilient health system, insuring Universal Health Coverage for all their citizens.

    So far donors have been too narrow and selective when focusing on public health.

    For example, the focus has been on prenatal and postnatal care, reproductive health, all very important domains of public health.

    Yet such narrow focus on these areas through a silos approach prevented investing into creating, in partnership with the developing countries, reliable and equity-based health systems at disposal of the public.

    First line of defense

    Let’s not forget what the Secretary General said back in 2016 Seventieth session Agenda entitled “Strengthening the global health architecture” dedicated on strengthening of implementation of the recommendations of the High-level Panel on the Global Response to Health Crises Report, one of the several published so far to retrofit the health system to deal with global pandemics.

    “I believe that WHO needs to reposition itself as an operational organization, clarifying its reporting lines and adjusting its business processes so that it can perform its operational role most effectively during times of health crises”.

    Moreover, in 2016 the Commission on a Global Health Risk Framework for the Future argued that “public health is the foundation of the health system and its first line of defense”.

    For this to happen we need a new WHO and such a new organization could create the trust for an unprecedented mobilization of funding in public health, resources that World Bank and other regional banks and donor agencies should disburse.

    Both Indonesia and Germany, respectively guiding this year the G 20 and the G 7, expressed a strong commitment to reform the global health system.

    A narrow focus on a pandemic preparedness treaty would be a missed opportunity to truly revolutionize global health governance and with it, reset and transform the WHO.

     

    Simone Galimberti is the Co-Founder of ENGAGE, an NGO partnering with young people living with disabilities.

    Sri Lanka: From organic farming to power cuts and water shortage

    Sri Lanka is facing foreign exchange shortages that have made it difficult to buy and import fuel. The situation has worsened after a coal-run power plant broke down, leaving the country to rely heavily on hydro-electric power.

    Grappling with power cuts, Sri Lanka’s economic crisis due to reduced foreign exchange is now threatening further electricity load-shedding. The power-guzzling capital city, Colombo, could face the major brunt of power cuts in such an event, according to knowledgeable sources.

    The country’s largest utility company, the Ceylon Electricity Board, has proposed an hour-long power cut to conserve water February and March, usually drought months in the island nation. This has been necessitated following a breakdown at a coal-run electricity power plant. The breakdown has been compounded by fuel shortages, which, in turn have been ascribed to the present economic crisis.

    Sri Lanka is facing foreign exchange shortages which has made it difficult to suddenly import extra fuel. This has worsened the situation after the coal-run power plant broke down.

    The foreign exchange crisis, in turn has been blamed on an unplanned and hurried presidential fiat for all of the country’s farmers to discontinue the use of chemical fertilisers and instead, to switch to organic farming overnight.

    Sri Lanka’s energy minister Udaya Gammanpila has warned of multiple-hour-long power cuts, owing to ‘system imbalance’ caused by sufficient power to meet the regular requirement.

    He said that the Ceylon Electricity Board had no option but to switch off selected sections to avoid countrywide disruption of electricity. Whatever various interested parties say, power cuts were necessary and couldn’t be avoided, Minister Gammanpila said.

    The minister said that the CEB had no option but to switch off selected sections to avoid countrywide disruption of electricity.

    Minister Gammanpila’s, whose earlier proposal of a daily 90-minute power cut wasn’t acceded to by the government, said that the situation would continue to deteriorate until all stakeholders reach a consensus on the issue.

    Water crisis

    The Ceylon Electricity Board is charged with providing the capital city with water and also providing water for irrigation in the rural areas.

    Its officials say that avoiding power cuts is leading to further severe depletion of water storage in the dams and reservoirs. They add that it is no longer practical to continue to run down hydro reservoirs to avoid planned load shedding.

    The Ceylon Electricity Board provides water to Colombo from reserved storages in the Moussakelle and the Castlereigh reservoirs on the Kelani’s tributary rivers during the dry season. But the Moussakelle storage has already close to half its capacity and Castlereigh is close to a third.

    Based on the current usage to avoid power cuts at any cost, Castlerigh Reservoir is expected to run dry (minimum operating level) by the end of February. Moussakelle will reach minimum operating level by end March.

    With minimal rains, Kelani River water levels will fall to low levels without water from the two reservoirs. Besides, Laxapana and Canyon, the two other reservoirs have been reduced to bare ponds.

    The electricity board is also yet to renew its power purchase terms with the private petroleum-fuel power plants, ACE Matara and ACE Embilipitiya.

    As a result, Colombo city could also face drinking water shortages as the Ambatale water pumping station might not be able to pump water from the river Kelani to feed household taps in Colombo. It could get worse in the event of a delay in the April inter-monsoonal showers.

    The foreign exchange crisis could also impact agriculture and food production, unless water that is diverted to produce electricity is employed for irrigation, sources say.

     

    Image: Ceylon Electricity Board

    Environment ministry pursues ‘ease of business’, one office order at a time

    India’s environment ministry has introduced a series of changes in the regulations through office orders for speedy clearances, many of which have been brought about without public consultations. 

    By Mayank Aggarwal

    Over the past few months, India’s Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) has proposed amendments to two key legislations – the Wild Life Protection Act 1972 and the Biological Diversity Act 2002. While environmentalists and conservationists focus on the changes proposed in the two laws, dubbing them as dilutions, there are some other office orders that the environment ministry has introduced over the past two months, which push for ease of business and could further weaken the country’s green regulations.

    Amendments to legislation are usually done in public consultation while office orders are communication from an authority to carry out/guide certain actions, which do not undergo a public consultation phase.

    Among the orders by the MoEFCC, one order paves the way for forest clearance to residential projects up to one hectare on forest lands in exceptional circumstances. Another order introduces a star rating system to incentivise state environment authorities recommending environment clearances in the least possible time. The ministry also sent out an order to announce revisions in the rates of the Net Present Value (NPV) that is levied for the diversion of forest lands.

    Changing environment policy through office orders

    On January 24, the forest conservation division of the MoEFCC sent a letter to all state governments clarifying the use of forest land for residential purposes under the Forest Conservation Act (FCA) 1980. According to this letter, “in exceptional circumstances, residential projects up to one hectare, can be considered for approval” under FCA 1980 by the MoEFCC on appropriate “justification and recommendation by the concerned state government” and the regional office of the ministry. The order specified that “the utilisation of a forest area for establishing industries, construction of residential colonies, institutes, disposal of fly ash, rehabilitation of displaced persons, etc. are non-site-specific activities and cannot be considered on forest land as a rule.”

    Star rating system

    However, according to some experts, this latest order fails to spell out the “exceptional circumstances”, leaving the interpretation to the expert bodies deciding on such cases. The decision regarding the office order was based on a recommendation of an expert forest panel, which was accepted by the ministry. The ministry officials, however, defend the move stating that the order removes an earlier misinterpretation that allowed people to exploit the forest areas.

    Another decision of the ministry that drew ire during the past month was the star rating system for states, introduced to enable the faster clearing of proposals seeking environment clearance, to promote ease of business. The order dated January 17 stated that the ministry has taken several measures to streamline the environmental clearance process and reduce the time taken for grant of clearances. The issue regarding a ranking system of states granting clearances came up during a meeting on November 13, 2021, chaired by the union cabinet secretary to discuss measures for “ease of doing business”.

    “It has been decided to incentivise the states through a star rating system based on the efficiency and timelines in grant of EC. This is intended as a mode of recognition and encouragement as well as for prompting improvements where needed,” the order said.

    The system to decide rating included yardsticks such as the average number of days for granting EC, percentage of disposal of cases seeking terms of reference or clearances, and complaints redressed by authorities.

    Ease of business

    On February 1, during the budget speech, India’s finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced a single form for faster approvals to proposals seeking green clearances.

    “A single window portal, PARIVESH, for all green clearances was launched in 2018. It has been instrumental in reducing the time required for approvals significantly. The scope of this portal will now be expanded, to provide information to the applicants. Based on location of units, information about specific approvals will be provided. It will enable application for all four approvals through a single form, and tracking of the process through Centralised Processing Centre-Green,” she declared.

    Environmental lawyer Rahul Choudhary told Mongabay-India that whether one looks at the series of changes that the government continues to bring or the recently presented budget, the intention is clear. “What the government wants is to simply ensure there is no opposition or checks against their policy of speedy clearances for businesses…even if it comes at the cost of the environment. For instance, what is considered a forest in India, changes with what the government requires at that particular time. It is nothing but regressive,” said Choudhary, who is the co-founder of Delhi-based Legal Initiative for Forests & Environment (LIFE), a law firm that recently won the 2021 Right Livelihood Award, widely considered the alternative Nobel Prize.

    Without consultation

    The system of bringing changes in India’s green regulations through a series of office orders, without public consultation, rather than presenting all of them together in an amendment to an environmental policy or law is not new. Experts in the sector say that this has been a regular feature of the country’s green regulation ecosystem for many years now.

    Over the past few year years, India witnessed a systematic dilution of the regulations governing the work in the coastal areas or the environmental clearance process. One example is that of the draft Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) notification 2020 to replace the EIA notification 2006. The proposal drew a lot of criticism among many experts pointing out that many changes proposed in the draft were already brought through office orders over the years.

    Debadityo Sinha, an ecologist and senior resident fellow with the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy, said neither common people nor experts closely tracking the subject, find it is easy to track the changes brought out by the environment ministry.

    “Often, the Union environment ministry announces the big-ticket changes through proposing amendments in laws governing environment, forest, wildlife or biodiversity sector. But that is not the only way. Throughout the year, through a series of office orders and notifications, changes are brought in green rules and regulations. If all these changes are taken together and a larger canvas is created, then it becomes apparent that the government has already undertaken a larger shift/dilution in the rules via a series of small changes – and that too with zero public consultation. That is what happened at the time of EIA regulation or CRZ (Coastal Regulation Zone) notification and that is what is happening now,” Sinha explained to Mongabay-India.

    No safeguard for accountability

    “Is there any project that has been rejected by the clearance machinery in the government? There is no safeguard for accountability towards the protection of India’s environment,” he questioned.

    Sinha highlighted that even in the latest budget, the allocation was reduced for the air quality commission, National Biodiversity Authority and autonomous research institutes such as the Indian Council for Forest Research and Education (ICFRE), the Indian Institute of Forest Management (IIFM), Wildlife Institute of India (WII), G.B. Pant Institute, and the Salim Ali Center for Ornithology and Natural History (SACON).

    The latest in the line of the amendments that the MoEFCC is working on are the amendments to the Wild Life Protection Act (1972) and the Biological Diversity Act (2002). Following widespread criticism over the amendments, the government referred the Biological Diversity Act Amendment Bill (2021) to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) and the Wild Life (Protection) Amendment Bill, 2021 to a parliamentary standing committee.

    The committees have started the process of reaching out to stakeholders and listening to the concerns raised by them. For instance, the Nature Conservation Foundation (NCF), in a representation to the parliamentary standing committee raised concerns about the amendments rendering state boards for wildlife defunct, alignment with rights of local people and provisions of the Forest Rights Act 2006, allowing commercial trade in live elephants or lack of any provision for ensuring the protection of wildlife habitats among other things.

     

    This article was first published on Mongabay-India

    Image: Mongabay-India

    Will the hijab row undo India’s youth demographic dividend?

    Girls and women negotiate multiple challenges in making choices or pursuing their interests, even when it comes to education. Muslim girls have moved forward in their aspirations and capacities to access education. The hijab controversy has the potential to backtrack precious achievements.

    By Annie Namala

    The National Youth Policy, 2014 opens with the country’s recognition and commitment to its youth population: “India lies at the cusp of a demographic transition…  in order to capture this demographic dividend, it is essential that ….the youth have the appropriate education, skills, health awareness and other enablers to productively contribute to the economy”.

    Rightly, education figures as one of the eleven identified priority areas. The country has also invested its energies in conceptualizing and legislating to make education a fundamental right and special measures to promote education among the disadvantaged Dalit and tribal people and minorities, with a special focus on girls. While Muslim girls seem to have moved forward in their aspirations and capacities to access education beyond the matric, the controversy on the hijab has the potential to backtrack precious achievements.

    As per the census 2011, the literacy rate among Muslim was 59.1 per cent as against the national literacy rate 64.8 per cent. Literacy rate for Muslim women at 50.1 per cent far below the national literacy rate of 53.7 per cent for women. The census 2011 also reported Muslims having the highest illiteracy rates among all religious groups – 42.7 per cent of Muslims are illiterate against 36.9 per cent for all religious communities. The access to higher education continues to be low and Muslims constitute approx. 7 per cent of those who have studied to graduation and above even as their population is 14.2 per cent. Work participation among Muslims is low at 33 per cent while the nation-wide work participation was 40 per cent in 2011.

    Impressive advance

    Against this, an important trend seen during this period is that Muslims showed the highest increase in literacy rates at 9.4 percentage points from 59.1 per cent to 68.5 per cent in the decade between 2011 and 2021. This reflects the community’s interest and efforts in accessing education over the space of a decade. The literacy rates of Muslim women increased from 50.1 per cent in 2011 to 62.0 per cent in 2021 (as mentioned by minority affairs minister in Parliament in 2021), reducing the gender gap with Muslim men which increased from 67.6 per cent in 2011 to 68.5 per cent in 2021.

    Banning Muslim girls from entering colleges with their hijabs is a new controversy, given the wide prevalence of the practice for years. The practice varies across different Muslim communities and states and has not hitherto presented a hinderance to public interest, health and morality requiring a curb on the practice. Questions are raised whether the girls are choosing to wear the hijab on their own accord or are pressured by their families or their community, if they are old enough to make such choices on their own? The counter protest by hundreds of young people with saffron scarves and head-gears seem an organized action.

    Enable education without prohibition

    Girls and women negotiate multiple challenges in making choices or pursuing their interests, even when it comes to education. One cannot over-rule the possibility that the girls may be negotiating wearing the hijab to pursue their education. They may or may not be making a conscious choice to wear the hijab. In either case, it does not take away their right to access education and the country’s responsibility to respect, protect and promote their right to education.

    They may experience a sense of safety and protection in wearing a hijab. One would expect the government to fulfill the protection accorded to minority communities and facilitate their fledgling steps into the wider social canvas than allowing the majority community youth to counter, heckle and threaten them.

    The COVID-19 pandemic has already pushed back education in the country by a few years. Schools have been closed for close to two academic years. Various reports flag further disadvantages for girls and children from marginalized communities to access on-line education. A considerable proportion of children may not resume their schooling even as schools re-open. There is no comprehension of the learning- loss among children and the preparedness of educational institutions in helping them cope. The need of the hour is to build enabling support mechanisms for children to attend schools freely and fearlessly and not one of prohibition.

    Diversionary methods

    The hijab and similar controversies are sure ways of politically colonizing the young minds, pushing them away from critical concerns of their own growth and development. It is a sure way of diverting the public from questions around education policies, budgets, achievements and inequalities therein. Even as young minds from communities that are already educationally disadvantaged are engaged in such controversies, the educationally endowed youth continue their education in elite private institutions in and outside the country. Sadly, one does not see adequate efforts from the State in translating the stated objectives for the youth population dividend. A question that comes to mind is this: Will the youth population dividend be realized at the expense of minority and disadvantaged youth.

     

    Annie Namala is an education activist

     

    Image: Wikimedia commons – Muslim girls in Srinagar, Jammu & Kashmir by Adam Jones

     

    Ken, Betwa linking ready for implementation, says jal shakti minister. Environmentalists call it a poll gimmick

    The river linking projects are based on the idea of transferring water from water-surplus basins to water-deficit basins. But it is riddled with environmental concerns, say environmentalists.

    The rivers inter-linking project to link the Ken and Betwa rivers is ready for implementation, the minister of state for Jal Shakti, Bishweswar Tudu, in a written reply in Lok Sabha on Thursday.

    The project was approved by the government of India in December 2021 by the union cabinet which also approved the expenditure for the project at an estimated cost of Rs. 44605 crores at year 2020-21 price level. The project will receive a central support of Rs.39317 crores through a special purpose vehicle.

    The river linking projects are part of the national perspective plan (NPP) prepared by the ministry of jal shakti (the ministry of irrigation in its earlier avatar) in August 1980 for water resources development through inter basin transfer of water. The idea to transfer water from water-surplus basins to water-deficit basins has been hotly contested by environmentalists.

    The government has argued that the project will benefit the water starved Bundelkhand region spread across the states of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh.

    The Ken-Betwa river interlinking project involves transfer of water from the Ken to the Betwa River through the construction of the Daudhan Dam and a canal linking the two rivers – the Lower Orr project, Kotha barrage and the Bina complex multipurpose project.

    Together, the project will irrigate 10.62 lakh hectares of agricultural land and supply drinking water to a population of about 62 lakh and will also generate 103 mega-watts of hydropower and 27 mega-watts of solar power. The project will take eight years to complete.

    Environmental concerns

    Environmentalists and activists say that the river interlinking projects, including Ken-Betwa, do not yet have the statutory clearances. They point out that the projects are sub judice and have hardly progressed in the last two decades. Therefore, the union cabinet’s allocation of money and its reflection in the union budget is unfair, they say.

    According to the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People, “the allocation of the funds for the project in the Union Budget and inclusion of a statement about the project in the speech of the President of India before the Joint Session of Parliament on Jan 31, 2022 are inappropriate. They seem to be timed in view of the upcoming Uttar Pradesh elections.”

    A report by the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has claimed that the submergence of 6,017 hectares of forest land as part of this project would result in a total loss of 10,500 hectares of wildlife habitat, essentially by cutting off the core critical tiger habitat of the Panna tiger reserve from the rest of the national park.

    It said that the wildlife clearance was obtained without taking into account the entire flora and fauna and unique ecosystem of the region, ignoring the fact that the project is located within the core of the national park.

    This forest land is a unique ecosystem of morphological significance with a unique and rich biodiversity in the region which cannot be recreated, CSE had observed.

    Interlinking a government priority

    However, the minister for jal shakti, Bishweswar Tudu, said in his reply in Parliament that the government is pursuing the interlinking of rivers programme in a consultative manner and has accorded it top priority, the minister said in his reply.

    He said that the implementation of the river interlinking projects depends on consensus among concerned states.

    In this context, he said that the detailed project reports (DPRs) of Damanganga-Pinjal link and Par-Tapi-Narmada link have been completed and circulated to the states of Gujarat and Maharashtra.

    Likewise, the minister said, the DPRs of the interlinking project involving the Godavari and Cauvery rivers and consisting, further, of three links have also been completed and circulated to the concerned states and union territories for building consensus and agreement on water sharing between party states.

    The national water development agency, part of the NPP, has identified 30 links for preparation of feasibility reports. 16 of these river inter-linking projects fall under in the country’s peninsular region (peninsular component) and 14 of these rivers have their sources in the Himalayas (the Himalayan component).

    Five of the river linking projects concern rivers flowing from Nepal into India. These are project to link the Kosi and Ghaghra rivers; Gandak and Ganga rivers; the Ghaghra and Yamuna rivers; Sarda and Yamuna rivers; and the Kosi and the Mechi rivers.

    One interlinking of rivers projects involves four rivers – the Manas, Sankosh, Tista and Ganga rivers. Rivers Manas and Sankosh originate from Bhutan where is is called the Drangme Chhu.

    High quantities of marine litter noticed during monsoon, minister tells Rajya Sabha

    Research by the National Centre for Coastal Research (NCCR) has established the spread of marine litter along entire water column and sediment.

    Scientists at the National Centre for Coastal Research (NCCR) have observed high quantities of marine litter along entire water column and sediment along the Indian coasts and adjacent seas during monsoon. The litter arrives through creeks, rivers and estuaries by rainwater.

    This finding follows initiating of monitoring of temporal and spatial distribution of marine litter along the Indian coasts and adjacent seas. Studies have been conducted covering nine coastal states, and union territories of Puducherry, Andaman and Nicobar and Lakshadweep Islands.

    This information was provided by the minister of state for Earth Sciences and the ministry of science and technology, Dr. Jitendra Singh in a written reply in the Rajya Sabha.

    The minister said that several studies have been undertaken to map the litter which is an important component for a policy paper.

    However, Dr Jitendra Singh said there is a dearth of data on marine litter sources, pathways, transport processes, and quantification of the amount of litter entering the marine environment.

    During 2018, 2019, and 2021, the National Centre for Coastal Research has undertaken beach clean-up activities, awareness programmes, and beach litter quantification studies.

    An array of litter

    The studies on the effect of various beach activities on marine litter and microplastics distribution and characterization were also carried out at selected beaches along the southeast coast of India.

    Micro-plastic studies in the coastal water and offshore sediment were carried out along the east coast of India to identify major plastic accumulation zones and the data has been published, Dr Singh said.

    Dr. Jitendra Singh said that the waste found on the shores of the coastal states include plastic wastes, including single use of plastics bottles, food wrappers, cutlery items and polythene bags; fishing nets, glass (liquor bottles); rubber (footwear); clothes, including face masks and discards from religious activities, paper, metals and even diapers besides household materials.

    He said that a framework for a clean ocean mission, the Swachhata Sagar has been prepared by the ministry of earth sciences. This mission will be part of the larger Swachhata Action Plan.

    To understand the effect of different types of polymers (microplastics) on fisheries and biota, organisations attached to the ministry have undertaken research to estimate the level of contamination.

     

    Image: UNEP

    Feminists, democratic groups condemn targeting hijab wearing Muslim students

    An open letter signed by over a thousand people thus far says that the Hijab is just a pretext to impose apartheid on and attack Muslim women.

    Over a thousand feminists, democratic groups, collectives, academicians, lawyers and individuals across the walks of life came together to condemn the targeting and exclusion of Hijab wearing Muslim women students reaffirming that Hijab is only the latest pretext to attack Muslim women. They point out that this follows on the heels of multiple “online auctions” of Muslim women and making speeches calling for their sexual and reproductive enslavement.

    In an open letter signed so far by over 1850 people, these groups and individuals affirmed that they believe that the Constitution mandates schools and colleges to nurture plurality, not uniformity.

    The signatories iterate that the Constitution mandates schools and colleges to nurture plurality, not uniformity. “Uniforms in such institutions are meant to minimise differences between students of different and unequal economic classes,” they say. “They are not intended to impose cultural uniformity on a plural country.”

    They argue that this is why Sikhs are allowed to wear turbans not only in the classroom but even in the police and the army and that this is the reason behind Hindu students wearing the bindi (or the pottu or tilak or Vibhuti) with school and college uniforms without comment or controversy. Likewise, they say, Muslim women should be able to wear hijabs with their uniforms.

    The letter was endorsed by over 130 groups across 15 states including All India Democratic Women’s Association, All India Progressive Women’s Association, National Federation of Indian Women, Bebaak Collective, Saheli Women’s Resource Centre, Awaaz e Nizwan, National Alliance of People’s Movements, Forum Against Oppression of Women, People’s Union for Civil Liberties, Dalit Women’s Collective, National Federation of Dalit Women, Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression and Feminists In Resistance among others.

    Enforcing apartheid

    The groups say that uniforms in such institutions are meant to minimise the differences between students of different and unequal economic classes. They are not intended to impose cultural uniformity on a plural country.

    Further it states that, ‘making hijabi women sit in separate classrooms or move from colleges of their choice to Muslim-run colleges is nothing but apartheid. Hindu supremacist groups in coastal Karnataka have, since 2008, been unleashing violence to enforce such apartheid, attacking togetherness between Hindu and Muslim classmates, friends, lovers. It must be remembered that such violence has been accompanied by equally violent attacks on Hindu women who visit pubs, wear “western” clothes, or love/marry Muslim men. Islamophobic hate crimes have been joined at the hip to patriarchal hate crimes against Muslim and Hindu women – by the same Hindu-supremacist perpetrators.’

    Rulebooks in at least one of the Udupi colleges allowed Muslim students to wear hijabs to college as long as they matched the colour of the uniform.

    “It is not hijabs that provoked the ongoing educational disruptions. It is Hindu-supremacist outfit which disrupted harmony by staging demonstrations with saffron stoles to demand a ban on hijabs,” they say. “Banning both saffron stoles and hijabs is not a fair or just solution because unlike hijabs worn by some Muslim women, the only purpose of the saffron stoles in this instance were to achieve a ban on the hijab and intimidate Muslim women.”

     

    Image: Hippopx licensed to use under Creative Commons Zero – CC0

    Himalayan glaciers melting rapidly, minister informs Lok Sabha

    Melting glaciers have significant impact on water resources of Himalayan rivers due to a change in glacier basin hydrology, reduced water downstream, and impact hydropower plants due to variation in discharge besides causing flash floods and sedimentation.

    Monitoring, collection of data and scientific studies of the Himalayan glaciers by various Indian institutes, universities and organisations working on glacial changes have reported an accelerated heterogeneous mass loss in Himalayan glaciers, the minister of state of the ministry of earth sciences and science and technology, Dr. Jitendra Singh informed the Lok Sabha on Wednesday.

    He said that the government is aware of the melting of the Himalayan glaciers and is maintaining data on the subject. The data and the studies come from the Geological Survey of India, the Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology, the National Centre for Polar and Ocean Research (NCPOR), National Institute of Hydrology, Space Application Centre and the Indian Institute of Science, besides others.

    The mean retreat rate of Hindu Kush Himalayan glaciers is 14.9 ± 15.1 meters per annum, which varies from 12.7 ± 13.2 metres per annum in the Indus, 15.5 ± 14.4 metres per annum in the Ganga and 20.2 ± 19.7 metres per annum the in Brahmaputra river basins. However, glaciers in the Karakoram region have shown comparatively minor length change (-1.37 ± 22.8 metres per annum), indicating their stable condition.

    The minister said that the government is aware of the study conducted by the University of Leeds, regarding the rapid melting of Himalayan glaciers, published in Journal Nature Scientific Reports in 2021. Researchers carrying out the study reconstructed the size and ice surfaces of 14,798 Himalayan glaciers during the Little Ice Age, 400 to 700 years ago.

    The Leeds researchers concluded that the Himalayan glaciers have lost ice ten times more quickly over the last few decades than on average since the last major glacier expansion. In the last 400 to 700 years, the glaciers have lost around 40 per cent area – shrinking from 28,000 square kilometres to around 19,600 square kilometres.

    Through its autonomous institute NCPOR, the ministry of earth sciences has been monitoring six glaciers in the Chandra basin since 2013. The Chandra basin covers an area of 2437 square kilometres in the western Himalayas. It has been observed that the rate of annual mass balance (or simply, melting) ranged from -0.3±0.06 metres water equivalent per year to -1.13±0.22 meters water equivalent per year between 2013-2020. Similarly, a mean thinning of approximately 50±11 metres with a mean annual mass loss of –1.09±​ 0.32 meters water equivalent per year was observed for the Baspa basin during 2000-2011.

    Impact on Himalayan rivers

    Similarly, GSI has taken up a project on monitoring and studying melting of glaciers in Beas Basin, South Chenab basin and Chandra Basin in Himachal Pradesh, Shyok and Nubra basin in Ladakh during Field Season 2021-22.

    The Department of Science and Technology has supported various research projects for studying Himalayan glaciers under the national mission for sustaining Himalayan ecosystem and national mission on strategic knowledge for climate change. The mass balance studies conducted for some Himalayan glaciers by Universities of Kashmir, Sikkim University and the Indian Institute of Science and the Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology revealed that majority of Himalayan glaciers are melting or retreating at varying rates.

    The Wadia Institute of Himalayan Geology (WIHG) is monitoring a few glaciers in Uttarakhand as well. This has revealed that the Dokriani glacier in the Bhagirathi basin is retreating at 15-20 metres every year since 1995, whereas the Chorabari glacier in the Mandakini basin region is retreating anywhere between 9 and 11 metres yearly between 2003 and 2017. The WIHG is also monitoring Durung-Drung and Pensilungpa glaciers in Ladakh’s Suru basin. The findings from these monitoring say that the glaciers are retreating at the rate of 12 metres every year and at approximately 5.6 metres yearly, respectively.

    NIH has been conducting several studies for the assessment of runoff from melting of glaciers at catchment and basin scales across Himalaya.

    Melting glaciers have significant impact on water resources of Himalayan rivers due to change in glacier basin hydrology, downstream water budget, impact on hydropower plants due to variation in discharge, flash flood and sedimentation. The melting of glaciers also increases the risks related to glacier hazards due to enhanced number and volume of glacier lakes, accelerated flash flood and glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs). It also impacted on agronomic practices in high Himalayan region.

     

    Image: Wikimedia commons

    There is a need to unclothe cash transfer programmes!

    It is pertinent to ask if a cash transfer allocation is good even if the scheme gets apportioned from the allocations required otherwise for developing and sustaining publicly funded infrastructure for education, health, livelihood and social development.

    By Pradeep Narayanan

    A decade ago, we used a participatory mobility mapping tool to understand the challenges that Sana, a child with physical disability, faced while accessing disability pension from the local administration. To receive the pension of a couple of hundred, she had to travel with a family member on a working day; incurring expenses on travel as well as on opportunity wage cost of the daily-wage family member. Of course, there were expenses on chai-pani for the official, who is processing the pension. Our request to the administration, then, was to be at the doorsteps and deliver the pension to Sana.

    Today, Sana gets the pension through an online transfer of the amount into her bank account. Sana, owing to this pension, has a monthly amount at her disposal to fulfil her needs. She can choose and prioritize her needs. Her self-esteem is raised, among her family members, and even in her neighbourhood. There is no doubt that this cash transfer programme, in this case, has ensured efficiency, choice and dignity to the beneficiary. The key attribute of the disability pension is the fact that the cash is payable to a person with disability, in the context of deprivation and discrimination that the person faces owing to the disability.

    History of exclusivity

    Cash transfer is an age-old phenomenon. In the year 1758, the Peshwa administration had a cash transfer fellowship, called Dakshina fellowship, exclusively reserved to promote higher education among Brahmin communities. About 60,000 persons from the community used to receive such transfers every year from the public exchequer. This continued even during the British rule; and as late in the year 1936-37, an advertisement for the fellowship would read like this: “the selection would be made in the following order; (i) Maharashtra Brahmin community; (ii) Any other Brahmin Community; (iii) Hindu community, including depressed class; (iv) any other community”. Has the cash transfer, in this case, not cemented a dominance of the higher caste?

    Even now, in Telangana, the state government has a funded cash transfer programme, in the form of Vivekananda Overseas Education scholarship. In 2020, the government board approved Rs 20 lakhs each to 57 students exclusively from Brahmin communities.

    Similarly, the Karnataka government funded Brahmin Welfare Board, in the words of its chairman, offers a cash transfer of Rs 25,000 for Brahmin brides and assures a bond of Rs 3 lakh to Brahmin women who marry (Brahmin) priests in the state. The conditions are: “not only should the bride be from the Brahmin community, it should be her first marriage,” and “the married couple will also have to give an undertaking that they would remain married for a specified period of time”. This conditional cash transfer clearly promotes caste endogamy and patriarchy.

    Dravidian example

    On the other hand, in the country’s southern state of Tamil Nadu, with a history of Dravidian movement, there is a cash scheme for the opposite – that is, to promote inter-caste marriage. A couple is provided a cash transfer of Rs 25,000 and a 4 gram 22 carat gold coin. In Tamil Nadu, there is also a cash transfer of Rs 18,000 for pregnant women, which is linked to nutrition plans to reduce infant and maternal mortality rates. By themselves, cash transfer programmes need not be good or bad; the purpose of the cash transfer, and the relations of power that it challenges would determine the significance of these cash transfer programmes.

    The crucial challenge would be to understand what cash transfer programmes are replacing. There is little doubt about the efficiency argument in terms of delivering. For example, the current form of digital transfer has surely made the scheme more efficient for a person like Sana. Her dependency on her family members is vastly reduced; and so would be her ability to beat the rent-seeking administration.

    An instrument or an ideology

    However, against universal approach, the targeted approach burdens the documentation requirement on the individuals. A good section of the population does not necessarily have identity documents. They might get excluded. Further, often hidden behind the cash transfer programmes is the long-term agenda of dismantling the public service provision infrastructure in favour of privatisation.

    For example, the cash transfer discourse would encourage the education vouchers system, as against the need to build strong, efficient, equity conscious government-run schools. The cash transfer is, thus, no longer just an instrument; it now represents an ideology. There is often a cherry picking of a few cash transfer schemes to say how they are useful in providing individuals the option to choose which need to be fulfilled; and even empowering the individual. These kinds of narratives would not only attract the intelligent right, but also the gullible left. For example, a number of activists may support the universal basic minimum income, which is not an insignificant programme.

    However, it is pertinent to ask if a cash transfer allocation is good, knowing that the scheme gets apportioned from the allocations required otherwise for developing and sustaining publicly funded infrastructure for education, health, livelihood and social development.

    Leave no-one behind

    Cash transfer can take any form: on one hand as Brahmadeya (land grant to Brahmins) or Dakshina fellowship grants or on the other hand as incentives to promote inter-caste marriage. It will be a challenge to unclothe this cash transfer mechanism to reveal whether it actually promotes the privatisation of development administration. Sana’s disability pension is an entitlement that was an outcome of decades of struggle by the disability movement. It is deeply political; and it did not replace the government’s commitment to provide an inclusive education or affirmative action in every workplace.

    The debates around cash transfer, therefore, need to be centred around what development paradigm it is advocating. We need to affirm that if cash transfer programme has to reach the leave no-one behind communities, they need to align with the principles of socialism, democracy and secularism and are to be grounded in anti-caste, anti-race feminist framework. If in the garb of promoting a mechanism that otherwise appears as a neutral one, it is perpetuating status quo, let us be wary about it.

     

    Image: ICRW

    Taliban hold confidential talks for humanitarian aid in Geneva

    The Swiss foundation, Geneva Call, is hosting a restricted-access conference to find out how unimpeded humanitarian assistance can be delivered to the people of Afghanistan.

    A delegation of Taliban leaders is holding a series of meetings with officials from the Red Cross and aid officials from various European countries in Geneva. They are discussing the the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation in Afghanistan and the possibility of receiving aid for the Afghan people.

    None of the European countries recognise Afghanistan’s Taliban government and officials have said that this meeting is only because the Red Cross and the European governments are concerned about the crisis in the country. People don’t have enough food, there is large-scale unemployment, hospitals are overflowing with patients and there is a shortage of drugs. Besides, the winter is taking a toll.

    Aid agencies say that 23 million Afghan people are at risk of malnutrition and 97 per cent of the population lives below the poverty level. The armed conflict over years has left the country in bad shape and the COVID-19 pandemic and its socio-economic consequences have had a deep impact on the country.

    The meeting is being hosted by the Swiss foundation, Geneva Call, and will go on until Friday. It is a “restricted-access conference aiming at enhancing unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance in Afghanistan,” according to the Swiss Foundation.

    The country is facing a complex emergency due to past overlapping armed conflicts, COVID-19 and its socio-economic consequences, and extreme weather.

    There have been unconfirmed reports of Afghan citizens selling body organs to be able to buy food in recent weeks. These have also been accompanied by disturbing visuals of people displaying their bodies with identical surgical marks suggesting the harvesting of organs from a poor and vulnerable populaiton.

    Humanitarian law

    Geneva is perceived as a neutral place for such negotiations, especially negotiations revolving around international humanitarian law and has therefore been identified as the most relevant location to hold such humanitarian discussions, according to the Swiss Foundation.

    The conference has been a restricted-access one, according to the organisation, “to discuss the status of humanitarian assistance, the protection of civilians, respect of health care and the issue of landmines and explosive remnants of war in Afghanistan.”

    “Respect for and promotion of international humanitarian norms are essential for the protection of the Afghan population and can contribute toward peace and stability,” says Geneva Call, explaining its invitation to Taliban leaders and officials.

    With a view to strengthen the implementation of- and respect for humanitarian norms in Afghanistan, the closed-door humanitarian event, it is hoped, will facilitate the discussion on practical issues related to improving compliance with humanitarian norms at the national and district levels through an adjustment of policies related to safe passage of humanitarian aid to the Afghan population.

     

    Image: UNICEF